Masonic Research Society
Bro. Erik McKinley Eriksson,
in its cultural, economic, social, religious or political aspects,
there is no period
in American history more fascinating than is the Jacksonian period. It
was an era
characterized by change and controversy in every field. It was a period
democracy in which the fight for free public schools was first
American literature reached a high plane and some of the greatest
of all time flourished during the epoch. Canals, roads and railroads
developed, inventions multiplied, agriculture flourished, trade and
expanded, and improvements on an unprecedented scale were projected,
only to be
stopped by the panic of 1837.
saw the beginning of the organized labor movement, the launching of the
for the abolition of slavery, the rise of the woman's rights movements,
of an organized movement against intoxicating liquors, and progress
of imprisonment for debts. Improvement was brought about in the care of
and advancement was made in prison reform. The organized peace movement
projected during this era. Communistic experiments were made on a large
more after 1840 than before. It was a period of religious readjustment
Especially in the newer sections of the country the evangelical
churches made great
gains. Unitarianism assumed an organized form and took its stand beside
in the fight between liberalism and orthodoxy in religion. The year
1830 saw the
organization in New York of the Mormon Church. It was, in fact, a
period of "isms"
‒ and this should not be overlooked in explaining why it was possible
during the period, such a fanatical party as was the Anti-Masonic.
all these things in interest was the political history of the period.
not permit a discussion of the heated controversies which raged over
as the civil service, the Second Bank of the United States, internal
the removal of the Indians west of the Mississippi River, foreign
specie circular and the distribution of the surplus. Rather, attention
must be focused
on the political party development of the period, especially on the
to build a great national party on the basis of opposition to the
the standpoint of national history the Anti-Masonic party would be of
were it not for the fact that during its short life it contributed to
political system the national nominating convention and at least the
of the national platform. From the Masonic viewpoint, the Anti-Masonic
a subject that cannot be lightly dismissed for it developed into the
organized and powerful foe that Masonry has ever had in the United
by unscrupulous opportunists seeking political power and even aiming at
of the United States, it almost succeeded in exterminating Freemasonry
in some of
the states. In view, then, of its contributions to national political
and its baneful influence on the Masonic Institution, it should be of
to trace the origin, development and decline of the Anti-Masonic party.
Origin of Anti-Masonry
an explanation of the origin of the Anti-Masonic party it is not
enough, as Charles
McCarthy, the leading historian of the party, pointed out years ago, to
it was started by the Morgan affair. Had not the political, social and
conditions at the time been favorable for the formation of a new party
it is highly
improbable that any political developments would have followed the
of William Morgan. That incident was merely the match which served to
combustibles already prepared.
the political situation, both in the country as a whole, and in New
York, was ripe
for the appearance of a new party. In 1816, the decadent Federalist
Party had for
the last time participated in a presidential election, and thereafter
the old Republican
Party was without a rival. The Federalist disintegration proceeded
rapidly, so that
when the Republican President, James Monroe, shortly after his
a tour of the old Federalist stronghold of New England, he was received
cordiality that the expression "Era of Good Feelings" was applied to
the surface of the political water appeared to be calm, underneath
there was a great
and increasing turmoil. After Monroe's second election, various
exhibited themselves as candidates for the presidential succession. The
aspirants, at first about a score, dwindled until the election of 1824
rivals in the field, John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts, Henry Clay of
William H. Crawford of Georgia and Andrew Jackson of Tennessee. The
proved indecisive, though Jackson received a plurality of the electoral
accordance with Constitutional provision, the election was then settled
in the House
of Representatives in favor of Adams.
had run fourth in the race and was therefore eliminated from the House
used his influence for Adams, and after the latter assumed the
the coveted office of Secretary of state. This led to the famous charge
that a "corrupt
bargain" had been entered into by Adams and Clay. The charge, though
satisfactorily substantiated, was believed by many, including Jackson,
who was changed
from an indifferent contestant to an eager aspirant for the presidency.
In the fall
of 1825 he was nominated for that office by the Tennessee legislature
an aggressive campaign to defeat Adams in 1828. The bitter rivalry thus
between Adams and Jackson divided the Republican Party into factions,
destined to develop into new political parties. Just what the emerging
be called no one at that time could tell. The fact remains that both
the Adams and
Jackson groups claimed the name "Republican" until after the election
and Van Buren
situation in New York was even more favorable to the formation of new
had been a long struggle in the state over the building of the Erie
Canal, and the
animosities developed by this struggle did not subside when the canal
in 1825. De Witt Clinton had led the canal forces and Martin Van Buren,
of the "Bucktails," had been the leader in opposition to the building
of the canal. After Adams and Jackson became avowed rival candidates
for the presidency
in the election of 1828, it was necessary for Clinton and Van Buren,
just as it
was for other politicians throughout the country, to choose between
them. Van Buren,
previously a Crawford supporter, early took a stand in favor of
Jackson. After considerable
deliberation, Clinton also announced himself as a Jackson supporter.
consternation among his followers, many of whom preferred Adams to
among those who were followers and admirers of Clinton was Thurlow
Weed, then an
aspiring newspaper editor in Rochester. He, and many other Clinton
supported Adams for the presidency in 1824 and wished to do so again.
To Weed and
the other Adams men who were seeking to counteract the influence of
the Morgan affair must have appeared as a rainbow of hope.
To one familiar
with Weed's long subsequent career as a shrewd political manipulator
there is danger
of giving him credit for more foresight than he actually possessed.
retracing the development of the Anti-Masonic party from a local party
New York to a national party contending for the presidency of the
the guiding hand of Weed is clearly discernible at all stages.
and the Morgan Committees
activities of the "Morgan committees," including that of Monroe County
of which Weed was a leading member, and inspired by Weed's newly
Enquirer" and similar newspapers which soon cropped out, there was
in Western New York, within a short period after Morgan's
disappearance, a frenzied
outburst against Freemasonry. To bring about this result, charges that
interfering with and hindering the investigations were coupled with
appeals to the
religious prejudices of the people.
writers on the subject have been wont to say that the popular
indignation of the
people led to a "spontaneous" resort to the ballot to bar Masons from
political offices. But viewing the evidence in hand it is apparent that
outburst was in reality the result of carefully conducted maneuvers on
of Weed and his associates. Anti-Masonic tickets were placed in the
field in various
town elections in Genesee and Monroe Counties in the spring of 1827
with a result
most encouraging to the Anti-Masons. It is significant that Weed, in
[Lib 1883; Vol 1, Vol 2], begins his chapter on
Anti-Masonry by relating how he and others at the time counselled
action and then in the same paragraph says:
Rochester had already become
the center of Anti-Masonry.
From that point the movements, whether of a judicial or legislative
As Weed was
the chief of the Anti-Masons in Rochester, it is clear that he was
Anti-Masonry while professing to discourage it!
by the success of their first venture into politics, the Anti-Masonic
their full energies into the work of perfecting a party organization,
conventions and securing suitable candidates to run in the approaching
They also continued their propaganda designed to win converts to their
influence of the alleged finding of Morgan's body on Oct. 7, 1827, must
great, for it supported the claims that Morgan had been drowned by the
decision that the body was Monroe's and not Morgan's was not reached
29. As the election began on the following Monday, Nov. 5, it was too
late, in view
of the poor communication facilities of the time, to re-act on the
the body was "a good enough Morgan until after the election", whether
or not Weed actually made the remark. In disseminating their
propaganda, the Anti-Masons
did not omit to point out that Governor Clinton, a high Mason, had gone
the political camp of Jackson, also a prominent Mason. (1) They also
reports that Clinton had approved of the Morgan abduction.
As a result,
in the fall of 1827, Timothy Childs was elected to the state assembly
County on an Anti-Masonic ticket, and fourteen others claimed as
also elected to the same body, much to the gratification of Weed and
new party was gaining momentum and numerous conventions were got up in
the purpose of further crystallizing sentiment. These included a
convention of seceding
Masons at Le Roy, Feb. 19 and 20, 1828, followed by a second convention
Masons also at Le Roy, on July 4, 1828. This convention drew up a
of Independence" from the Masonic Institution, in imitation of the
Declaration, and the document was signed by one hundred and three
varying from an Entered Apprentice to the possessor of twenty-one
heading the list is the name of Solomon Southwick. The only other
persons in the
list who attained any prominence as Anti-Masons were David Bernard,
author of Light
On Masonry [Lib 1828], John G. Stearns, Edward
Giddins, Samuel D.
Greene, and David C. Miller.
an open Anti-Masonic convention had been held at Le Roy, March 6 and 7,
counties represented. A set of twenty Anti-Masonic resolutions was
drawn up and
an address to the people was issued. On Aug. 4, 5 and 6, 1828, the
a convention at Utica for the purpose of nominating a state ticket for
election. Francis Granger was nominated for governorship, but after
declined the nomination, as he preferred to run for the office of
on the ticket of the Adams Republicans. Temporarily, Thurlow Weed lost
for the radical Anti-Masons met at Le Roy, on Sept. 7, and nominated
the office of Governor. In the ensuing election, which resulted in the
of the Jacksonian candidate, Martin Van Buren, Southwick ran a poor
the Anti-Masons succeeded in electing seventeen assemblymen and four
including William H. Maynard. In this election the Anti-Masons cast
for Adams for President since his statement had been spread abroad that
he was not,
never was, and never should be a Mason.
election of 1828," said Weed, "imparted increased confidence, vigor and
strength to the Anti-Masonic party." Southwick, who had for a short
a place of leadership, was pushed aside and thenceforth Thurlow Weed,
aided by such
lieutenants as William E. Seward, Millard Fillmore, Francis Granger,
John C. Spencer,
Myron Holley, Henry Dana Ward, Frederick Whittlesey, Albert H. Tracy,
Maynard, and others, guided the destinies of the Anti-Masonic party in
A state convention was convened at Albany on Feb. 19, 1829, with
from forty counties. This convention, says McCarthy:
Marks a new starting point in
the history of
the party in New York… It was all the more effective because the
of it was concealed by an outward show of Anti-masonry with all its
was allowed to open the convention with a long address, there was no
to the Weed faction controlling the meeting. Weed, from the state
Committee, presented a long report on the development and progress of
The most significant action taken by the convention was in regard to a
convention. A report on the subject was submitted by a committee,
headed by Granger
and including Seward in its membership. After hearing the report and
speeches, the convention resolved to call a national convention to meet
on Sept. 11, 1830, (2) to be composed of delegates from each state
equal in number
to the electoral vote of the state. It was further stated:
The objects of which
Convention, when assembled,
shall be to adopt such measures as to them, in their deliberate wisdom,
to be the most effectual to annihilate the Masonic Institution, and all
societies which claim to be paramount to our Laws, and are hostile to
and spirit of the Constitution.
the significance of this resolution it must be remembered that the
styled the Democratic Party and the National Republican Party had not
those designations. There was an Adams party and a Jackson party but
were not adopted until after Jackson's inauguration as President, March
(3) In view of this, it is quite evident that Weed and his associates
to make their party a chief national party in opposition to the
1829 until its demise in 1833, the Anti-Masonic party in New York was
an anti-Jackson party, and its continued attacks on Masonry were but
for the real political motives of the opportunistic leaders.
the Albany Convention memorialized the state legislature for
"extra judicial oaths." It also decided that, while Morgan deserved a
monument, the time was not ripe for its erection because of the
of its remaining undisturbed." It took action to raise a fund by
to be held in trust, the income from which was to be used "for the
of Mrs. Morgan, and the support and education of her two children." (4)
convention, the Anti-Masons continued to use all the devices at their
keep up an excitement against the Masons. They made liberal use of
and "lectures." The "Morgan trials" were continued with renewed
vigor and desperate attempts were made to secure convictions of accused
Meanwhile, by declaring in favor of further canal building and other
they attracted to their standard many of the old Clintonians and Adams
In some of
the towns of Western New York an attempt was made to stem the tide of
by organizing a "Toleration and Equal Rights Party." In the local
elections of 1829, "toleration" tickets were successful in a few towns.
"The Craftsman" of April 14, 1829, which had previously exhorted the
"to unite under the banner of Toleration and Equal Rights, and with
regard to their privileges, as freemen, uphold their institutions,"
victories in seven of the sixteen towns of Monroe County, six of seven
County, four in Livingston County, and in all the towns of Cayuga and
It is surprising that nothing more was heard of this "party" after
In the fall
elections of 1829, the Anti-Masons showed increased strength though the
easily controlled the state as a whole. (1830 was the year the
their greatest strength in New York.) On Feb. 25, 1830, a convention
was held at
Albany and thirty-six delegates were chosen to attend the national
Aug. 11, 1830, another state Anti-Masonic convention was held at Utica
counties represented. Francis Granger was nominated for Governor and a
bid for the
workingmen's support was made by nominating Samuel Stevens of New York
Lieutenant Governor. Fourteen resolutions were adopted and an address
to the people
was issued. In the fall election, Granger was defeated but he carried
and received 120,361 votes as compared with 128,892 votes for Enos
Throop, who was
elected. It is significant that ten counties which had been
Anti-Masonic in 1828
were carried by Throop, the Democrat-Republican candidate, in 1830. The
were admitted to have elected thirty three members of the Assembly, and
state senators in three districts, including Seward in the Eighth
of the great show of strength in 1830, Weed was disappointed. In 1831
lost ground and in 1832 again went down to defeat, not only in New York
as well. After an even more disastrous defeat in the fall elections of
and his colleagues were ready to give up. As Weed said in his
The election of 1833
not only that opposition to Masonry as a party in a political aspect
had lost its
hold upon the public mind, but that its leading object [?], namely, to
perpetuate a public sentiment against secret societies, had signally
of leaders of the party was held late in 1833 which "resulted in a
dissolution of the Anti-Masonic party" in New York.
Anti-Masonry had been making headway in other states. In Pennsylvania
were also favorable for the introduction of Anti-Masonry. Long before
affair, as early as 1821, there had been manifested hostility on the
part of some
Presbyterians towards Masonry, and in 1823 the Methodists of the state
an unfriendly attitude towards the Fraternity. Other religious sects in
were also fertile ground for the seeds of Anti-Masonry brought in from
as early as 1827. Furthermore, as in New York, there was a quarrel of
over internal improvements which favored the organization of a new
Anti-Masonry made its first appearance in the fall of 1828, but did not
headway until the following year. On June 25, 1829, a convention of
from eleven counties met at Harrisburg and nominated Joseph Ritner for
In the fall election the Anti-Masons polled a considerable vote and,
was defeated, elected fifteen members of the House and one member of
of the state legislature. On Feb. 26, 1830, practically all the
counties of Pennsylvania
were represented in an Anti-Masonic convention at Harrisburg, called to
to the national convention. In this convention, Thaddeus Stevens began
as the leading Anti-Mason of Pennsylvania.
In the fall
elections, 1830, the Anti-Masons succeeded in electing six Congressmen,
of the state Senate and twenty-seven members of the state House of
In May, 1831, another state convention was held to choose delegates to
national convention, but was poorly attended. That fall the Anti-Masons
six state senators and twenty members of the House. On Feb. 22, 1832, a
convention met at Harrisburg and for a second time nominated Ritner for
That fall he ran a very close second to George Wolf, the Democratic
a time thereafter Anti-Masonry declined in Pennsylvania, but was kept
the activity of Stevens and his chief lieutenant, Ritner. Finally, in
1835, by a
coalition of Anti-Masons and Whigs, Ritner was elected Governor. During
year regime every possible effort was made to legislate Masonry out of
but without success. With Ritner's defeat in 1838, political
disappeared in Pennsylvania, though Stevens attempted to revive it as
late as 1843.
Results in Vermont
In no state
were the Anti-Masons so completely successful as in Vermont. Political
really began there in 1829, when on Aug. 5 a state convention was held
That fall the Anti-Masons elected thirty-three out of the two hundred
members of the state legislature. In 1830, the Anti-Masons showed
By 1831 they were strong enough to secure a plurality in the popular
their gubernatorial candidate, William A. Palmer, and then secure his
the hands of the legislature. They also elected one hundred and
of the state legislature. In 1832, they again elected Palmer as
Governor and also
elected three members of Congress. In 1833 and 1834, Palmer was
re-elected but thereafter
lost his popularity, and as a result of a deadlock in the legislature
in 1835, Silas
H. Jennison, elected by the Anti-Masons as Lieutenant Governor, became
In 1836, the Anti-Masons joined with the Whigs and disappeared as a
Result in Massachusetts
made a determined but futile effort to control the political situation
Political Anti-Masonry began in the state in 1828, but it was not until
"Suffolk Committee" was organized at a meeting of Anti-Masons at
Aug. 27, 1829, that headway was made. The first state Anti-Masonic
in Faneuil Hall, at Boston, on Dec. 30 and 31, 1829, and Jan. 1, 1830.
were adopted and a long address to the people of the state, drawn up by
headed by Moses Thacher, was issued. This convention also elected
delegates to the
Philadelphia national convention. The members of the "Suffolk
were designated to serve as a state Anti-Masonic committee. In 1830,
elected three state senators and between twenty and twenty-five members
of the lower
house of the legislature.
On May 19
and 20, 1831, a second state Anti-Masonic convention was held in
reports were made and Anti-Masonic resolutions were adopted. Later in
the Anti-Masons nominated Samuel Lathrop for Governor but he was
defeated in the
election. In 1832, the Anti-Masons put an electoral as well as a state
the field, the latter again headed by Lathrop, but the National
the election. The convention of that year adopted a reply to the
of the Masons of Boston, this reply having been drawn up by the state
committee and including thirty-eight "Allegations Against Freemasonry."
Letters were then addressed to the Grand Lodge and Grand Chapter of the
them to sue the Anti-Masonic committee for libel, so that a trial could
to determine whether the Anti-Masons were justified in their charges
or the Masons were right in declaring the charges false. Nothing came
of these challenges.
against his wishes, John Quincy Adams was nominated by the Anti-Masonic
for the governorship, but failed of election. In 1834 the Anti-Masons
in getting the legislature to investigate Masonry but nothing came of
That year the state convention nominated John Bailey for Governor but
he ran a poor
third in the election. In 1835, most of the Anti-Masons of
the Whigs, and the merger was completed in 1836.
Island and Connecticut
was another of the New England states where political Anti-Masonry
strength. Anti-Masonry appeared in the state in 1829, and was given
form by a convention
held the next year. In 1831, the Anti-Masons memorialized the state
to investigate Freemasonry, which was done, though the investigation
In 1832, the legislature passed an act forbidding extra judicial oaths.
A very unusual
situation occurred in Rhode Island in 1832 when a coalition was formed
Anti-Masons and the Democrats. As a result, William Sprague, an
elected Speaker of the lower house of the state legislature. Beginning
the Anti-Masons, for five successive years, elected their candidate,
Francis, to the governorship. It was not until 1838 that political
in Rhode Island disappeared.
political Anti-Masonry began late in 1828. On Feb. 11, 1829, a state
was held at Hartford. In 1832, the Anti-Masons showed their greatest
Connecticut when, by a coalition with the National Republicans, they
state senators, sixty-seven members of the state House of
Representatives, and one
United States Senator. The strength of the party soon dwindled, and in
Anti-Masons were practically absorbed by the Whigs.
Anti-Masonry made little headway in states other than those already
Maine, a state convention was held at Augusta, July 4, 1832. The party
had a candidate
for the Governor, Thomas A. Hill, in the elections of 1832, 1833 and
1834, but his
strength was negligible. At least two conventions were held in New
on June 1, 1831, and another on Feb. 6, 1833, but no political
successes were achieved
by the Anti-Masons.
states political Anti-Masonry was nothing more than a "local
It made some headway in New Jersey where at least one convention was
held ‒ that
at New Brunswick on Aug. 24, 1830. In Ohio, Anti-Masonry exhibited its
in the northeastern part. At least three conventions were held in this
first convening at Canton on July 21, 1830, with twelve counties
second at Columbus on Jan. 11, 1831, and the third also at Columbus, on
1832. Anti-Masons in Indiana were a factor in only a few local
is record of a convention held in the state in March, 1830. At least
convention was held in Kentucky, at Carthage, on Jan. 22, 1829. In
the Anti-Masons held a convention in June, 1829, and that year were
to elect John Biddle as Territorial Delegate to Congress. Local
outbreaks of political
Anti-Masonry occurred in Marengo and Tuscaloosa Counties in Alabama, in
County, North Carolina, and in Boonsboro district, Maryland. There is
no other evidence
available to show that political Anti-Masonry made any headway in the
fact that Delaware had one delegate present at each of the Anti-Masonic
conventions is evidence that that state was also slightly tainted with
Collapse of the Movement
of political Anti-Masonry would not be complete without a consideration
of the ephemeral
career of the national Anti-Masonic party. As has been suggested, Weed
early conceived the project of making the Anti-Masonic party a leading
party in opposition to the Jacksonians, and with this in view secured
of a national convention to meet at Philadelphia. At the time of the
the convention little was definitely known as to the actual strength of
outside of New York. It must have been disappointing to the leaders
when there appeared
at Philadelphia, on Sept. 11, 1830, delegates from only ten of the
and from one territory. While a total of one hundred and eleven
it should be noted that thirty-three were from New York, twenty eight
and seventeen from Massachusetts. Connecticut sent eight delegates, New
Ohio seven, Vermont six and Rhode Island two, while Delaware, Maryland
and the Territory
of Michigan each sent one delegate.
organized with Francis Granger of New York as President. During the
five days the
convention was in session the time was spent mainly in formulating and
to reports. On the first day fourteen different committees were
appointed, to report
on such matters as "the pretensions of freemasonry," "the true nature
of Masonic oaths and obligations," "the truth of the disclosures"
of Masonry, "the abduction and murder of William Morgan," "the effects
of Freemasonry on the Christian religion," "the nature and spirit of
and "measures … to effectuate the extinction of Freemasonry." The
reports were the subject of extended debate which on occasion grew
heated. It is
apparent that some of the delegates were anxious to air their views and
advantage of their opportunity to do so. Among the matters of interest
before the convention was the proposal of a New York delegate that a
appointed "to inquire into the pecuniary circumstances and situation of
family of Capt. William Morgan, and to report what measures, if any,
should be adopted
for their support." After some discussion the proposal was rejected.
Stevens was most active in opposing the resolution, and, as his
how little some of the leaders connected the Morgan affair with the
party, the record of the debates containing his objections may be
quoted, as follows:
Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania,
thought that this
convention, as such, had nothing to do with the family of Capt. Morgan.
and murder of that individual, did not constitute the basis of
was perhaps a providential circumstance in its favor. The investigation
of the convention in regard to free-masonry should be coolly and
conducted. The resolution would be looked upon as intended to inflame
and passions, rather than to appeal to the judgment; to excite the
than open the eyes, of the people, on the subject of masonry.
It was apparent
that the time was not ripe for putting a presidential candidate in the
the matter was referred to a committee. After the committee's report
had been debated
with considerable heat, it was
Resolved, That it is
recommended to the people
of the United states, opposed to secret societies, to meet in
convention, on Monday,
the twenty-sixth day of September, 1831, at the city of Baltimore, by
equal in number to their representatives in both houses of congress, to
of suitable candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President,
to be supported
at the next election; and for the transaction of such other business as
of Anti-Masonry may require.
A long address
to the people, prepared by Myron Holley, was adopted and signed by all
in attendance. It was chiefly a denunciation of Masonry and an appeal
to the people
to use the ballot against the Institution. This address is important
since, if it
was not the first national party platform, it was at least the "germ"
of such a platform. If a platform is a declaration of a party's
principles and policies,
this address fulfilled the requirements of a platform.
leaders hoped, by holding a second national convention in 1831, to have
a more representative
gathering, but in this they were to be disappointed. There assembled at
on the appointed date, only one hundred and fourteen delegates from
including thirty-seven from New York, twenty eight from Pennsylvania,
Massachusetts, nine from Ohio, six from New Jersey, five from Vermont,
Connecticut, four from Rhode Island, two from Maine, and one each from
Delaware and Maryland.
convention had been organized with John C. Spencer of New York as
rules and orders of the Philadelphia convention were adopted, various
were appointed, and the work of the convention was got under way.
by Henry Dana Ward for the "National Committee of Correspondence,"
F. Hallett of Rhode Island "On the Construction of Masonic Penalties,"
and John C. Spencer "On History of Judicial Proceedings" in the "Morgan
cases" regaled the convention while the matter of candidates was being
convention various individuals had been mentioned as possible
candidates. John C. Calhoun would have received favorable attention had
it not been
for his known connection with the movement in South Carolina to nullify
tariff laws. Richard Rush of Pennsylvania had been mentioned and may
hope of receiving the nomination. John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts
by New Englanders but had expressed himself as not wishing to be
too, there were many who felt that his name would not attract voters to
Henry Clay might easily have received the nomination, but he was a
Mason and refused
to renounce the Fraternity. (5) He had come dangerously close to it
when he wrote,
Jan. 23, 1831:
I have been urged, entreated,
make some declaration short of renunciation of Masonry, which would
Antis. But I have hitherto declined all interference on that subject.
While I do
not, and never did care about Masonry [?], I shall abstain from making
party to that strife. I tell them that Masonry and Anti-masonry has
in my opinion nothing to do with politics; that I never acted, in
public or private
life, under any Masonic influence; that I have long since ceased to be
of any lodge; that I voted for Mr. Adams, no Mason, against General
Jackson, a Mason.
Stevens and perhaps other Anti-Masonic leaders went to the Baltimore
with the intention of securing the nomination of John McLean of Ohio, a
of the United States Supreme Court and ex-Postmaster General of the
He had privately expressed a willingness to accept the nomination if it
that he would be the sole candidate in opposition to Jackson. But by
of 1831 it was very evident that the National Republicans would name a
of their own, and the indications were that Clay would be the
candidate. In fact
he had already been put forward as a candidate by various National
throughout the country. Therefore McLean wrote, under date of
Nashville, Sept. 7,
1831, declining "to distract still more the public mind," by allowing
himself to be named as an additional candidate.
As Anti-Masonic Candidate
by this frustration of their hopes, a delegation of Anti-Masons called
Wirt, an ex-Attorney General of the United States, then residing in
persuaded him to accept the party's nomination for the presidency.
Wirt, who early
in life had taken the Entered Apprentice Degree, and whose conversion
coincided with the assembling of the convention, reluctantly agreed to
nomination. He, and probably some of the real Anti-Masonic leaders,
hoped that the
National Republicans would concur in the nomination when their national
should assemble in December, 1831. Having secured at least a nominal
the presidency, the Anti-Masons named Amos Ellmaker of Pennsylvania for
drew up Anti-Masonic resolutions, adopted a platform in the form of an
the people and adjourned to await the developments of the campaign.
Were it not
for the fact that the address contained the usual denunciations of
Masonry, it might
have been a platform drawn up by a convention of National Republicans ‒
it was clearly designed to attract voters of that party. There could no
any doubt that the Anti-Masonic party, in spite of its pretensions, had
an anti-Jackson party. The events of the campaign were ample
justification for such
National Republicans, in their national convention at Baltimore, in
formally nominated Clay, Wirt, aged and sickly, became thoroughly
after the party leaders refused to allow him to withdraw, refused to
lift a finger
to promote his own election. In private correspondence he expressed the
Clay would win.
Insincerity of the Leaders
Anti-Masonic leaders showed how insincere all their pratings against
1826 had been, when they entered into coalitions with the National
various states. The Jackson official organ, the Washington "Globe,"
called attention to these coalitions and denounced them in that
which made its editor, Francis Preston Blair, the outstanding political
the period. It was the intention of the National Republican and
especially in Ohio, Pennsylvania and New York, to manipulate the
so as to give it to either Clay or Wirt, whichever appeared to have the
of being elected. Clay entered into the arrangement wholeheartedly, as
written to Weed, dated Washington, April 14, 1832, plainly indicates.
He said, in
I received your favor of the
9th inst., as I
did the previous ones, communicating the progress of measures to
between the Anti-Masons and the National Republicans in the state of
New York. I
most earnestly hope that such cooperation may be cordially produced, to
of both parties.
referred to was brought about, for the two parties united on the same
electoral ticket. This gave the Democrats an opportunity to ridicule
as the "Siamese Twin Party."
means was employed by the coalition to defeat Jackson. The one hundred
Anti-Masonic newspapers, headed by Weed's "Albany Evening Journal,"
aided by numerous almanacs and tracts of various kinds in spreading the
Jackson's staunch adherence to the Masonic Fraternity was not
overlooked, nor did
the Anti-Masons neglect to point out that four members of his cabinet,
the Secretary of state, Lewis Cass, the Secretary of War, Levi
Woodbury, the Secretary
of the Navy, and William T. Barry, the Postmaster General, were
But all the efforts were without avail, for after the smoke of the
battle had cleared
away in the fall of 1832 it was found that Jackson had been easily
two hundred and nineteen electoral votes. Clay received forty-nine
while the Anti-Masonic candidate, Wirt, received only the seven
of Vermont. The Anti-Masons had hoped to poll at least a half million
Clay and Wirt together received only 530,189 votes while Jackson
defeat of the Anti-Masons in the election of 1832 was a blow from which
recovered. The New York leaders, who had been primarily responsible for
and development of the party, were convinced that they could not ride
to power under
the aegis of an Anti-Masonic party. After they dissolved the party in
New York it
was only a matter of time until the whole political Anti-Masonic
Though it showed strength in some states, as has been pointed out,
until 1838, and
even held a national convention at Philadelphia, Nov. 13, 1838 ‒ with
states, Massachusetts, New York, Ohio and Pennsylvania represented ‒
its doom was
inevitable. The American people could not be fooled forever and when
they saw that
the issue of Anti-Masonry was being kept up chiefly to supply aspiring
opportunists with a vehicle in which to attempt to ride to power, they
lend enough support to keep the party alive. Thus there passed off the
first of a large number of minor parties which have afforded variety to
Throughout the period the
Anti-Masons sought to create the impression that
Masons were bound to work for each other's political advancement, but
of the period is full of refutations of the absurd charge. It is true
became a Jackson man, but there were dozens of Masons who bitterly
politically. For example, Henry Clay, P. G. M. of Kentucky, and John
of Virginia, were most bitter opponents of Jackson. Hezekiah Niles of
P.G.H.P. of Maryland, was editor of Niles' Register, one of the most
newspapers in the country. William Winston Seaton of Washington, one of
of the National Intelligencer, the chief organ of the National
Republicans and later
of the Whigs, did not let his Masonry diminish the intensity of his
attacks on Jackson.
This date was the anniversary
of the day on which Morgan had been taken from
Batavia in 1826. For a time the AntiMasons sought to have the day set
In 1829 the Adams party began
calling themselves "National Republicans"
while the Jacksonians still called themselves "Republicans" or
Republicans." It was not until January, 1832, that they officially used
term "Democratic" Party ‒ the term then being used in their call for a
national convention. In applying the terms to parties before 1829, Weed
writing years afterwards, were in error. (See Bibliographical Notes)
It is doubtful if Mrs. Morgan
received much, if any benefit from this action
as she married, late in 1830, a seceded Mason named George W. Harris,
removed westward. Rob Morris cites evidence to show that Harris
divorced her at
Council Bluffs, Iowa, in 1856.
Clay had demitted in 1824 from
Lexington Lodge, No. 1, of Kentucky, but he
did not renounce Masonry. He had previously served as Grand Master of
had been chiefly instrumental in promoting, in 1822, the project for a
Grand Lodge of the United States.
complete and authoritative though not exhaustive work on the subject of
Anti-Masonry, the use of which is indispensable in any study of the
Charles McCarthy's "The Antimasonic Party: A Study of Political
in the United States, 1827-1840 " [Lib 1902] in the American Historical
Annual Report for 1902, Vol. I, pp. 365-574. Though written by a
Catholic it exhibits
a commendable spirit of fairness.
of political Anti-Masonry are [Erik McKinley Eriksson's] "The
Party," in Masonic Service Association Bulletin No. 10, Erik McKinley
"The AntiMasonic Party," in THE BUILDER, Vol. 7 (March, 1921), pp.
Emery B. Gibbs' "The Anti-Masonic Movement," in THE BUILDER, Vol. 4
1918), pp. 341-348; and J. Hugo Tatsch's "An American Masonic Crisis,"
in Transactions of Quatuor Coronati Lodge, Vol. XXXIV (1921), pp.
196-209 [Lib 1921].
A brief general
treatment of Anti-Masonry in national politics is contained in the
of Edward Stanwood's History of the Presidency From 1788-1916' (Boston,
1916], 2v. New York politics are
vividly dealt with
in De Alva Stanwood Alexander's Political History of the State of New
York, 1906-1923), 4v. [Lib 1906; Vol 1, Vol 2, Vol 3], and in Jabez D. Hammond's
of Political Parties in the State of New York … [Lib 1847; Vol 1, Vol 2] (Albany, 1842), 2v. It should
be noted that
the account of Anti-Masonry in the second volume was written by
importance for the accounts of prominent AntiMasonic leaders are
Autobiography [Lib 1883; Vol 1, Vol 2] and Memoirs and William H.
Autobiography [Lib 1877]. Biographies, memoirs and
other works relating
to such leaders as Thaddeus Stevens, John Quincy Adams, William Wirt
Fillmore, not to mention a whole host of lesser leaders, have also been
William L. Stone's Letters on Masonry and Anti-Masonry … [Lib 1832] (New York, 1832), gives much
material. The "Introductory Remarks" in [Henry Gassett's] Catalogue of
Books on the Masonic Institution … (Boston, 1852) [Lib 1852] supply the dates for some
conventions not mentioned by McCarthy.
to newspapers hitherto cited, the following Washington newspapers were
studied: the Washington "Globe," the Jackson official organ, 1830-1837;
the "National Intelligencer," the chief organ of the National
and the "United States Telegraph," the ex-official organ of Jackson's
writer has prepared a study of these journals, a small part of which
has been published
under the title "Official Newspaper Organs and the Campaign of 1828,"
in The Tennessee Historical Magazine, Vol. VIII (January, 1925), pp.
It was from this study that the information concerning party cognomens
"Niles' Register," [Lib 1826-1830; (5 Volumes –
published throughout the period
at Baltimore, is a mine of useful information. Its bias is decidedly
the Anti-Masonic almanacs examined were the following: Edward Giddins'
Anti-Masonic Almanac … 1830 (Lancaster, 1830) [Lib 1830]; Giddins' Anti-Masonic
1831 (Utica 1831) [Lib 1831]; Giddins' Anti-Masonic
Almanac … 1832 (Utica,
1832) [Lib 1832], Avery Allyn's The
Anti-Masonic Sun Almanac
… 1832 … (Philadelphia, 1832) [Lib*]; and the New England Anti-Masonic
the years 1831, 1832, 1833 and 1834 (Boston). The almanacs are of
because of the free use they made of cartoons and caricatures, which
speaking, rarely employed at that period of history.
has been necessary to depend on works already cited for much of the
political Anti-Masonry, the following pamphlets containing convention
have been studied at first hand: Masonic Anti-Masonic Proceedings [Le
19 and March 6, 1828], N.P., N.D., 16 pp.; Proceedings of the
for the State of New York Held at Utica, Aug. 11, 1830 … (Utica, 1830),
Proceedings of the Antimasonic State Convention of Connecticut Held at
Feb. 3 and 4, 1830 (Hartford, 1830), 32 pp.; Brief Report of the
Debates in the
Anti-Masonic State Convention … Massachusetts … 1829 … (Boston, 1830),
48 pp.; Abstract
of the Proceedings of the Anti-Masonic State Convention of
Massachusetts … 1829
… (Boston 1830), 32 pp., Abstract of the Proceedings of the Antimasonic
of Massachusetts … 1831 (Boston, 1831), 78 pp.; Anti-masonic Republican
of Massachusetts … 1832 … (Boston, 1832), 55 pp.; Anti-Masonic
Convention of Massachusetts
… 1833 … (Boston, 1833) 48 pp.; Antimasonic Republican Convention for
… 1834 … (Boston, 1834), 40 pp.; The Proceedings of the United States
Convention, Held at Philadelphia Sept. 11, 1830. Embracing the Journal
the Reports, the Debates and the Address to the People (Philadelphia
pp.; and The Proceedings of the Second United States Anti-Masonic
at Baltimore, September, 1831; Journal and Reports … Resolutions, and
to the People (Boston, 1832), 88 pp.
pamphlets are useful in giving an insight to various political
activities of the
Anti-Masons: A Legislative Investigation Into Masonry [Rhode Island] …
1832), 85 pp.; Report of the Committee Appointed by the General
Assembly of the
State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, to Investigate the
Circulation Against Freemasonry and Masons in Said State … (Providence
pp. [Lib 1832]; An Investigation Into Free
Masonry by a Joint
Committee of the Legislature of Massachusetts … 1834 (Boston, 1834), 76
The Petition to the Legislature of the State of Connecticut, Against
Oaths  … (Hartford, 1834), 8 pp. [Lib*]; Address of the
Convention Held at Augusta, July 4, 1832 … N. P., N. D., 8 pp. [Lib*],
Address to the People of Pennsylvania Read to the Anti-Masonic
Convention Held at
Harrisburg, Feb. 25, 1830 … (Lancaster, 1830), 34 pp.; Report of a
the New York Senate, Together With Extracts From Other Authentic
the Character and Principles of Free Masonry … (New Haven, 1829), 24
Report of the Select Committee on That Part of the Governor's Message
the Abduction of William Morgan. Made to the [New York] Assembly, Feb.
(Albany, 1829), 68 pp. [Lib*]; Report of the Committee on the Abduction
Morgan Made to the [New York] Senate, Feb. 14, 1829 (Albany, 1829), 27
Report of the Special Counsel on the Subject of the Abduction of
to the [New York] Senate (Albany, 1830), 35 pp. [Lib*], Appeal to the
Antimasons" of New York by the Editor of the Boston Daily Advocate
F. Hallett] (Published as "Extra" "Boston Daily Advocate," July,
1834), 32 pp. [Lib*], Report on Secret Societies and Monopolies by a
of the Legislature of Massachusetts, 1836 (Boston, 1836), 48 pp.
[Lib*]; and Resolutions
Adopted by the Antimasonic Members of the Legislature of Massachusetts
citizens … Opposed to the Nomination of Martin Van Buren … (Boston,
1836), 24 pp
Bro. William L. Boyden,
Washington, D. C.
A PEEP into
the past, disclosing from actual records many quaint and curious
customs of the
Fraternity in regard to refreshment. In an age when a strong head,
ability to drink
and not be drunken, was considered an admirable quality in a man,
had its original meaning of reasonable use, without abuse of any of the
have often been made in times gone by, charging that the Masonic
responsible for a great deal of intemperance. In the olden days
solid and liquid, were items of legitimate expense, regularly charged
charged and regularly paid for at the old time inns. Although this
usage has been
radically changed and the bibulous features of Masonic gatherings have
been discontinued, unwarranted conclusions are still drawn from the
of the old books of account and books of record. In this particular,
a hundred years ago cannot be fairly tested by current standards of
The denominational organizations and their membership could not
a similar test. Neither the one nor the other should now be called to
more exacting standards of conduct than were set up by the moral sense
Liquors seem to have had, in former times, as respectable standing in
the bill of
fare at public places of entertainment, in the homes, and in public
as do coffee, tea and other beverages in the social arrangements of the
day. From the church, the lodge room and from places of social
assemblages, it was
viewed in the same light. The temperate use of it as a beverage was
no offense against religion, morals or good manners. Considering the
habits of the
great mass of mankind at that period it is worthy of note and
this essential Masonic duty, the restraint of improper desires and
so faithfully observed by the Craft, not only in their seasons of
and refreshment, but in other circumstances and relations.
is taken from the History of Rising Sun Lodge, Royalton, Vt., printed
in 1907, which
touches upon this old custom:
"Not to treat a caller or
visitor, and especially
the minister when he called at one's house, was deemed inhospitable and
this condition, a good old Christian lady years ago related to me an
of her own which occurred when she was a little girl. The minister of
called at her home. The family supplies happened to be 'shy' on rum,
and her good
mother, ashamed at the prospect of not being able to entertain her
guest after the
usual manner, called the little girl into another room, lifted her out
of a back
window and sent her post haste to a neighbor to obtain a supply of the
wherewith to regale the parson."
And the Rev.
Bro. Joshua Young, in an address before Old Colony Lodge,
Massachusetts, some years
"The use of intoxicating
liquors was discontinued,
in more than one Masonic lodge, long before they were banished from
councils, ordinations and funerals."
to the liquors generally known, the brethren seemed to favor several
popular at the time, such as Negus, so-called from its inventor,
in the time of Queen Anne, 1702-1714, a mild, warm punch or wine,
usually port or
sherry, with a little lemon and not much sugar; rum punch was made from
oranges and lemons; another favorite drink along those of the Craft who
men was Rumbo. Smollett, in 1751, in his "Peregrine Pickle," [Lib 1911;
– see Bibliography)]
refers to the use of Rumbo, sometimes called bumbo. It was a strong
drink made up
of rum, sugar and nutmeg, a sort of sailor's grog.
his history of the Lodge of Edinburg, says:
As appears from occasional
scraps of the treasurer's
accounts, one shilling per bottle was the price of the punch that was
used in the
lodge, and the quantity named was no unusual allowance on festive
occasions to each
attending operative apprentice, to the officer, to the stewards "when
punch in the meeting," and to each visiting brother. "Cold toddy"
seems at a much later period to have been the favorite lodge drink, and
one of the
minutes of the year 1809 is made to record the surreptitious removal of
bottles of this beverage, the property of the lodge."
formed an important part of the bibulous menu is evidenced from a
minute in a lodge
in Durham, England, where it is recorded under date of Aug. 21, 1787:
On the same
night, Br. Robt. Darnel, made a motion that there should be lemons
the next and every succeeding lodge night, which was unanimously agreed
Here is a
sample of what was paid for liquid refreshments after punches and the
out of fashion, taken from the records of Apollo Lodge, Troy, New York:
to Jonth. Hatch, Dr.
21 lbs. cheese at 8d
1 7 6
Here is a
typical bill for refreshments in Rising Sun Lodge, No. 7, Royalton, Vt.
Son Lodge, bot of Moses Cutter
qt. W.I. Rum
1/2 lbs. "Cheas"
April 19, 1826.
where lodges could afford it, they purchased their wine in large
being much cheaper that way, and stored it in the cellar below the
lodge. A "pipe"
was a wine measure containing about 126 wine gallons; a pipe of port
138 wine gallons, Sherry 130, Madeira 110, Lisbon 140. As early as 1738
recorded in the Turk's Head Lodge, Wiltshire, England:
It was agreed that as fault was
found with the
wine, a pipe of good wine should be fixed upon by some of the brethren,
upon their approbation, the whole should be bottled off, and the
Mason's seal placed
on each bottle and kept for the use of the lodge only.
In the Canongate
Kilwinning Lodge, Edinburgh, June 4, 1740, the Master informed the lodge
That for the benefit and use of
the lodge there
was commissioned from London, one puncheon containing one hundred and
gallons of Rum, and one barrel containing two hundred and fifty-five
pounds of sugar, which being arrived, Brother Thos. Trotter generously
the money for the same, amounting conform to the Invoice and Bro.
yron, to the sum of Fifty-four pounds, seventeen shillings and seven
Lodge, No. 2, Albany, N. Y., Nov. 21, 1786, it was resolved
That the Treasurer take order
to procure for
the use of the lodge, one quarter caske of Lisbon, or sherry wine, five
spirits, two loaves sugar and two dozen glasses.
From a minute
in the Old Dundee Lodge, London, Nov. 27, 1788, it would seem that the
by brethren of the lodge, of the necessary "spirits," was not at all
for it was resolved on that date
That one of the Stewards order
from some person
not a member of this lodge a certain Quantity of wine and Licquors as
In the Shakespeare
Lodge, London, Feb. 24, 1803, it was
Resolved That Messrs. Dunlop
and Hughes be ordered
to send a Pipe of Red Port, similar to the sample now produced, for the
use of the
Lodge, sealed with the Seal of the Lodge, and that Brother George
Harvey be requested
to draw up certain regulations to be observed in future in the Cellar,
the same, to be submitted at the next meeting of the Lodge for their
Only a few
years after the establishment of lodges in this country, we find the
the regulations of St. John's Lodge, No. 1, Portsmouth, New Hampshire,
relative to the use of liquors:
13. The Junior Warden is to
keep an account of
what liquor comes in for the use of the Lodge, which is not to exceed 2
6 pence per head, in failure of which he is to forfeit the surplusage
dispensation from the Master and members) the said Warden to render an
the Secretary, who is to settle the same with the Master and Treasurer
Lodge is closed.
1764, the Lodge of Emulation, London:
Moved and seconded, that no
Liquor be made and
mixed anywhere by any member of this Lodge, but in the Lodge, under the
of every member being at the expence of the Liquor he shall make
contrary to this
order, which is carried in the affirmative.
of Unity, No. 183, London, had this among its by-laws in 1782:
Article 3rd. All liquor drank
at the Lodge during
Lodge hours and the beer drank at supper by the brethren not exceeding
a pint each
to be charged in the bill of expenses that night but no liquor called
or after Lodge hours shall be allowed by the Lodge.
43, Lancaster, Pa., was evidently averse to keeping a charge account in
of refreshments, for in 1785, its fourth by-law provided "That no
to the lodge without money to pay the expenses of the night."
innkeepers encouraged the meetings of lodges at their places by giving
free for the sake of the trade, is evident, as we find in the history
Lodge, Poughkeepsie, N. Y., in 1787, that the paying of rent at Bro.
became irksome or not sufficiently "speculative," for Bro. Emott moved
that the lodge fall into our former mode of buying our liquors of Bro.
pay no rent."
Lodge, Leicester, England, March 5, 1794,
Resolved that every member pay
on each Lodge
evening, two shillings for his supper and for ale during Lodge hours.
to take Wine or Liquors to pay for them extra.
Lodge, Norwich, England, passed a resolution May 25, 1810, that
should be charged the price of a bottle of wine.
Here is an
extract from the minutes of Shakespeare Lodge, London, June 23, 1831,
which is very
The Secretary stated to the
Lodge that in order
to prevent any errors relative to the number of bottles of wine charged
in the bill,
which appeared to him to have on more than one occasion exceeded the
he had with the appreciation of the W. M. provided a quantity of wine
of the lodges refreshed themselves, and absent one hour, and being
was order'd to where, is indicated in the ensuing extract from the sit
as a private
member-records of the Mariners' Lodge, England:
The Lodge to find two
shillingsworth of malt
Liquor and one Pint of Gin, Rum and Brandy for every Lodge night only ‒
not to be closed for refreshment, but the refreshment to be brought
into the Room
and put on a Table, any one who chooses may partake thereof, paying 6d
for the same.
To have no Spirits admitted into the Room during the time the Lodge is
paid for by the person calling for it.
of treating the brethren of the lodge was quite a prevalent one, being
required, but more often voluntary. One of the lodges in Norfolk,
in 1724, that:
Every Master on his election
shall treat ye brethren
with two bottles of wine and ye Wardens with one bottle each, and on
election the Master one bottle and ye Wardens a bottle between them.
When a member
was blest with a lewis or lewisa (son or daughter) he usually
celebrated the event
as is evidenced from the records of the Turk's Head Lodge, Wiltshire,
August 16, 1739. Brother Mills
having been lately
blessed with a lewis, was pleased to present this Lodge with a crown
bowl of punch
upon that happy occasion, and the young lewis' health was drunk to in
September 20, 1739. Our Brother
the Lodge with a bowl of punch on his having a lewis a born, and her
drunk in form.
of Felicity, London, on June 21, 1748, records:
This being Election night Bro.
Griffon was Elected
Master and chose Bro. Harforth and Bro. Morse Wardens and Bro. Gibbs
Master paid a bottle, the Wardens and Secretary paid each one shilling
for the Honour
In the Turk's
Head Lodge, Wiltshire, England, Dec. 21, 1738, Bro. Hetherington was
by the Master for his lecture, but excused himself on account of
him, but promised it on the next lodge night, or the voluntary
forfeiture of a gallon
of wine. Caledonian Lodge, London, in 1765, had as one of its
That if any member of this
Lodge come disguised
in liquor, he shall be admonished by the presiding officer, for the
For the second, of the same nature, he shall be fined one shilling; And
third, or refusing to pay his fine, he shall be excluded without any
Vernon Lodge, Albany, N. Y., 1773, one of the articles of its
On lodge evening no member
under a fine of one
shilling shall have more drink than for six pence in the lodge room
. In a lodge
in Wigan, England, under date of Feb. 25, 1801, "Bro. John Taylor being
in liquor he was admonished by the Worshipful and ordered home." In the
records of Jerusalem Lodge, London, the Secretary states that "Brother
having drank a public Toast without his Apron, paid one shilling as a
Master himself was called to account in the Lodge of Antiquity, Bolton,
Oct. 11, 1799:
The Worshipful was fined 2
shillings six pence
for being absent one hour, and being rather intoxicated was order'd to
sit as a
not only as a matter of economy, but realizing that refreshments were
the means of the brethren becoming better acquainted with each other
and that expensive
wines and liquors were not necessary for this purpose, began to
retrench and adopted
such measures as a London lodge did in 1773 when it enacted a by-law:
That on account of the great
by allowing wine at supper and in order to prevent the bad consequences
therefrom, no liquor shall be paid for out of the Lodge funds, which is
of the Lodge room, except beer or ale drank at supper.
Albany, N. Y., April 1, 1801:
Resolved. That in future the
beer for brandy and spirits for the refreshments in the Lodge.
And in the
same month, on the other side of the Atlantic, Royal York Lodge, London,
Resolved that the usual glass
of brandy after
supper be discontinued.
Lodge, Peterborough, N. H., May 7, 1816:
Voted to exclude the use of
Ardent Spirit in
this Lodge, and substitute therefor crackers and cheese and cider.
of the Custom
of the nineteenth century saw the drinking custom on the wane, and we
begin to find
the minutes of lodges recording its discontinuance. In 1816 the Grand
Lodge of New
York enacted "That the use of distilled spirits in lodge rooms, or any
room, is expressly forbidden." May 30, 1825, Altemont Lodge,
"Voted that no account for
shall be allowed or paid for out of the funds of the Lodge after this
Lodge of Connecticut recommended the disuse of ardent spirits at its
May, 1822, and the Grand Lodge of Vermont, Oct. 11, 1826, by a vote of
80 to 28,
"That no ardent spirits or
shall hereafter be furnished this Grand Lodge at any of its
And on Oct.
9, 1827, the Grand Lodge recommended to all subordinate lodges to
"Dispense with the use of
on all public occasions."
In 1842 the
Grand Master of Ohio, who was a member of Lancaster Lodge, introduced a
resolutions in that lodge which were unanimously adopted wherein the
of temperance was construed to mean total abstinence, and the members
of the lodge
drew up and subscribed to a form pledge to neither touch, taste, nor
ardent spirits, and
that hereafter no person shall be initiated into the mysteries of
Masonry in the
Lodge, or be received into fellowship with the same, who shall not
express his willingness to subscribe to this pledge.
Here is where
a brother having lost money in providing refreshments on the particular
June 26, 1740, in the Lodge of Edinburgh, Scotland, was given a chance
his losses, as appears from the minutes of that date:
And in regaird Brother Patrick
Grant hath been
att a considerable trouble and expence in providing liquors and other
for this meeting, of which a very small part hath been disposed of, by
the small company that have attended the same, it was therefore
resolved upon that he have the benefits of furnishing liquors and other
to their next quarterly meeting, preferable to any other persons
and Sachse's "Freemasonry in Pennsylvania," quoting the minutes of a
Dec. 24, 1770, we are left to conjecture that the brethren had a
in attending the meeting of the Grand Lodge, but were not given the
of accomplishing their object, for it reads:
Drank 3 bowls Toddy in about 3
hours which we
waited on the Grand Lodge, paid our Reckoning and went home. [Lib 1908,
the same source, under date of Aug. 17, 1771, we find the following
The Determination of this Body
that Bro. Glenn
and Bro. Topham should shake hands and drink to each other and forget
were charitable in the higher sense also, and when an unfortunate
brother fell through
drink, they did not give him up, rather they tried to raise him up. As
we quote the records of Union Band Lodge, No. 35, Saintfield, Ireland:
Saintfield, 4th Dec. 1777.
I … do hereby as a Mason
promise before this
Lodge that I will abstain from all intoxicating drinks for 12 months,
with the exception
of refreshments in Lodge.
Signed W. J. M.
brother pleaded to be allowed one bottle of porter a day, but it was
They might as well have allowed him, yet they forgave him again.
fondly imagines that the following suggestion was a recent invention
of Union Lodge, Nantucket, Mass., over a century ago, prove to the
we find, Nov. 2, 1795, a committee was appointed to confer with brother
respecting his misconduct in
with making use two (sic) freely of strong Drink.
At the communication
of Dec. 14, the brother denied that he was intoxicated, but was "taken
cramp & could prove it."
G. Hill, a member of Hiram Lodge, Raleigh, N. C., and at the time
(1842) its Junior
Warden, took a very active part in having the use of refreshments in a
discontinued at the meetings of the Grand Lodge, it being the custom to
have a banquet
at the close of each session, when it is said the members had a "merry
The Stewards provided the refreshments, and when the report of a
committee on the
subject came up for consideration, he used this emphatic language:
Worshipful Grand Master, the Stewards in their extravagant expenditures
enough refreshment to keep themselves drunk the entire session, enough
to make the
whole Grand Lodge drunk on the night of the banquet and then have
enough left to
keep Hiram Lodge drunk the balance of the year.
and the Traveling Gilds
Bro. W. Ravenscroft,
in which the authors of the article in THE BUILDER for May courteously
as a Comacine advocate, permits, and I think, encourages, the pleasure
of some further
remarks in reply to their article, relieving me also of the
responsibility of apology
for doing so.
to me, then, if I rightly read what they have written, that the
to be dealt with is involved in the question, "What do we mean by the
of Masons' or rather 'builders' as applied to the Operative Masonic
Gilds of the
Middle Ages?" If such was nothing more than the conferring of degrees,
and occult knowledge to be accompanied by festivities and other
and otherwise, then one must admit that these lodges may have been
ephemeral, accidental, etc. But I am going to claim that while such
are admitted, and I suppose nowhere denied, the Gilds of the Middle
Ages were much
more than that. And I make this claim upon what I regard as the surest
viz.: the evidence written down in stone and wood, but, of course, more
the former; evidence which cannot be and is not subject to being
tampered with as
so much of that put down on paper may be. Permit me to note, then, the
First: Up to the 12th century there
from the downfall of Rome such remarkable correspondence in the
development of plan,
detail and ornament in work done throughout England from the North to
with that of the Comacine builders as to make the conclusion inevitable
rule, authority or custom controlled design and that, especially
bearing in mind
the difficulties of transit and other communication, nothing short
produce such result and that the education which produced this must
have been the
principal item in the making of Masons.
And it is
a remarkable confirmation of this that down to the village church, and
days, the barn and the cottage, down to the simplest buildings which
had any pretense
at architecture, as well as to the cathedral, stronghold and more
an influence is so apparent that to an expert it is not difficult to
a single stone with any molds or ornament upon it within almost a
quarter of a century
to what period it would belong. And this is the more remarkable since
it does not
follow that because the evidence of "style" is present the workmanship
is skilled. One could give numbers of instances to show that while the
so to speak, authorized, the workmanship was clumsy and bad; the work,
of an inadequately trained craftsman.
Second: The foregoing remarks as to
authority under heading 1, apply equally to the periods which followed,
Gothic period and that of the Renaissance and I have purposely divided
these periods because between each there came an important revolution.
I refer to
the incoming of Gothic Architecture at say about the beginning of the
and the "revival of learning about that of the 15th century." The
from Norman work to Gothic work during 50 years was radical in
and ornament. So was that at the time of the Renaissance, but contrary
to what might
have been expected, there was no sudden abandonment of one style for
periods of development during which with precision transition
intervened until one
style had disappeared before the incoming of the successor and all
through the various
changes within the Gothic time the same remark applies and at the
the old was gradually merged with the new until quite lost ‒ witness
and Jacobean mansions and other structures.
Third: After the incoming of the
the whole order changed. The Reformation not only suppressed the
also the Gilds. The former, in many instances, became the homes of the
the latter the Clubs of Speculative Masons, until so far as
architecture was concerned,
A would build in the style of "Queen Anne" and B, next door, in that of
"Mary Anne" or any other Anne.
justifies the conclusion that down to the time when the Gothic period
and the classic revival was in full vogue, nothing can account for the
history I have briefly sketched short of an organized body, or, if one
organized associations directing and controlling at least the
architecture of Western
Europe. And, roughly speaking, the end of the Gothic period and the
decay of the
Gilds synchronizes with the beginning of Speculative Masonry when good
began to be the chief characteristic in evidence.
Lastly, if I may be permitted a
to the "Master Mason" for May, 1926. I read therein an article or
Freemasonry before the year 1717 (in which Bro. F. F. Gould's views are
and under the heading of "Oral Tradition" three very eminent men are
as having written on this very point ‒ Sir Christopher Wren, Sir
and Elias Ashmole. Before the year 1717, in which, under the heading,
Traditions,' three very eminent men are quoted as having held this
passages are to be found in Gould's Concise' History [Revised Edition,
99 and 100] and are discussed at length in chapter twelve of the larger
earliest in date is the report of Dugdale's belief by John Aubrey,
which is as follows:
Dugdale told me many years since, that about Henry the Third's time,
the Pope gave
a bull or patent to a company of Italian Freemasons, to travel up and
down all Europe
to build churches. From those are derived the Fraternity of adopted
In the memoir
of Elias Ashmole in the Biographia Britannica we are told by Dr. Knipe:
What from Mr. Ashmole's
collection I could gather
was that the report of our Society taking rise from a Bull granted by
the Pope in
the reign of Henry III to some Italian architects to travel all over
Europe to erect
chapels was ill-founded. Such a Bull there was, and those architects
But this Bull, in the opinion of the learned Mr. Ashmole, was
and did not by any means create our Fraternity or even establish them
in this kingdom.
quotation is from the Parentalia [Lib 1750] or Memoirs of the Family of
The Italians (among whom were
yet some Greek
Refugees), and with them French, German and Flemings, joined into a
Architects, procuring Papal Bulls for their Encouragement and
they styled themselves Freemasons, and ranged from one Nation to
another, as they
found Churches to be built.
to me that these opinions should be considered very carefully. One is
wonder why, because traditions had grown up around these pronouncements
extravagant and false, he should, therefore, have dismissed the lot. I
to think that had he been acquainted more fully with the Comacine
theory, and the
steady development and sequence of changes in English architecture he
Gild and the Lodge
Bros. A. L. Kress and
R. J. Meekren
IT would seem as if Bro.
Ravenscroft had, in the preceding article, put his finger
on the real point at issue in posing the question, "What do we mean by
making of Masons as applied to the Operative Gilds?" When, in the
THE BUILDER for May, to which he refers, we set forth a hypothesis of
of the lodge to the gild we had in view only the ritual significance of
If it be permitted to go so far afield for a parallel, we might adduce
rites of savage races, which are known to those practicing them as
men." The anthropological analogies to Masonry must be handled with
and caution on account of the tendency there has been to build upon
them hasty and
ill-considered speculations. But in this case we are only seeking an
According to the savage the half-grown boy becomes a man by virtue of
into the tribal mysteries. Yet though this is the theory, yet the
savage is practical
enough, too, and the boy as well as being initiated has generally to
undergo a long
course of training in addition before he actually takes his place in
as a full-fledged man. On the other hand, physical strength and
in war and skill in hunting do not alone qualify him to be regarded as
a man, many
instances have been reported that definitely prove this. There would
thus seem to
be two essential sets of qualifications, the ritual and the practical,
youth can marry, take his place in the tribal councils, and as it were,
might be taken much nearer home, the rite of Baptism in the Christian
individual who is baptized becomes formally, or according to high
actually a child of God. Yet even those with the highest views on the
the sacraments admit in practice the necessity of teaching and
discipline in addition.
So also a man can be presented and introduced in a neat little Latin
all present must at least pretend to understand) to the Chancellor of a
who thereupon formally presents him with an imposing document on
in Latin, after all which he may write "Doctor" after his name. The
may be either honoris causa or the result of years of hard work and the
of examinations. Here indeed we have a very close parallel between the
and speculative Mason. The Doctor, honoris causa, does not know
anything about Civil
Laws or whatever else it is that he has been made Doctor of, and no one
that he should. Nevertheless it gives him Academic rank and standing
that the 'operative'
scholar, if we may so term him, has to work hard for. But there is this
between the two, if anyone wants information they go to the one who has
training and not to him who is only ceremonially qualified.
to suggest, then, that the organization by and in which the Medieval
builders became such regularly and lawfully, according to the internal
the crafts concerned, was the lodge. The distinction is important, the
might imply regularity and legality according to municipal ordinance
and the law
of the land. It is the internal law of the group that is referred to;
and the attitude
of a present day trades union man towards a worker who does not belong
is the kind
of thing we mean. The apprentice had, of course, to learn his trade if
he was going
to work at it, and this he would learn, as he always has done, in
the instruction of his master. But in order to be regarded as a "right"
or "true" mason he had also to be initiated, and this was the concern
of the loosely organized institution which emerges into the light of
the name of the "lodge".
as special form of association seems to be peculiarly a Medieval
would suppose that Masons formed themselves into gilds because everyone
and in the feudal form of society men were obliged to do so by an outer
The gilds very largely passed away when the state of society in which
they had their
origin came to an end. As the lodge may have been much older than the
gild so also
it survived it, because probably it had little or nothing to do with
side of the craft. If we read Bro. Ravenscroft aright it would seem
that he might
almost be prepared to accept this suggestion, or at least that he is
to dispute it. But he raises another point, and again if we rightly
it is what he regards as the essence of the Comacine theory. Here we
feel we can
give him some of that definite denial for which his soul longs. Bro.
is such a genial and kindly controversialist that we know he will
forgive the little
is, though it is apart from our own theory, whether the Masonic gilds
the other craft gilds of the time, merely local associations organized
local purposes and having no connection with any other like bodies
except that they
all had a general likeness of form and function, or whether they were
of one inclusive organization, closely knit together and with an
government or directing body, which was not only interested in wages,
conditions of working and so on, like the other gilds, but was actively
in planning important buildings and the details of style in
well be gainsaid that the possibility of such an organization existed,
for one thing
we suggest something of the same sort for the lodge, only without any
And besides there were the monastic and military orders, which did have
and generals set over all. But these were well known to the world at
were the subject of jealous observation on the part both of the Papacy
rulers. They wanted to know who was at the head of these bodies, and
anxious to put their own nominees in charge. Had there been such a
of Masons extending all over Europe, it would have had to have been in
of the word a secret one, or it would else have necessarily been the
surveillance at least of the various governments, and in this case some
almost certainly have come down to us. It is only a negative argument,
and is not conclusive, but we think that under the circumstances it
if the central body was concerned with plans and architectural styles
it was in
this totally unlike any trade or professional organization before or
Medieval gilds, so far as can be gathered from their own records and
to them, were concerned with regulating the quality of workmanship,
number of apprentices, relations of the occupation to the community and
so on, while
the teaching of the craft itself was left entirely to the individual
was indeed so far regulated that the master was under an obligation to
apprentice thoroughly and to teach him all he knew, but the teaching
an individual matter entirely.
of a central or universal gild as a sort of training college or general
all important building operations seems to us unnecessary to explain
the facts so
ably collected and set forth by Bro. Ravenscroft in his various works.
was a continuity of style is undoubted, the question only is how it is
to be accounted
for. It may be that the advantage (or disadvantage), that by a
coincidence we both
possess of having had a training in the craft or profession of
engineer, which in
the modern world takes a similar place in the community that the
Mason's craft did
in the Middle Ages, may lead us to see the matter in a somewhat
To the trained man a casual walk through a machine shop, for example,
may be quite
enough to show him all he needs to know about a new way of using some
tool, or a
more advantageous method of handling a certain class of work. In the
same way the
Medieval craftsman had only to visit some recently erected building to
new in constructural methods, or in detail of design. New types of
ornament, experiments in proportions and so on would be noted at once.
architects used sketchbooks too, some of them still exist, and we think
this way the rapid diffusion of new forms and styles are quite
It may, of
course, be objected that means of communication were few and bad.
existed and were used. Pilgrimages were constant, it is probable that
one at some time or other made one. Perhaps only to some nearby shrine,
enough, too, into foreign lands, and to Rome itself. Besides that, the
builder was then, as he is today, a migratory bird, and wandered far
afield in the
pursuit of his avocation.
and what seems to us the greatest difficulty of all, style in a
building is a question
of art, and no art was ever yet produced by a committee. Schools of art
been, of course, but they imply no more than the learning by pupils a
from a master, and carrying on a tradition with modifications resulting
peculiarities and genius. For all these reasons, while we willingly
admit the weight
of architectural evidence for the existence of a noble tradition, of a
style diffused over certain areas, we are not able to concur in the
this was due to the action, conservative or constructive, of a central
organization that drew up the designs and sent them out to the local
even of the existence of a central school or college in which
architects were trained
in certain principles and to work on specific models. If this is what
believes, then we must confess that we do disagree with him.
Notes on the Gild
Bro. W. Ravenscroft
By the courtesy
of the Editor of THE BUILDER I am permitted to see an advance proof of
article and to add a word or two in reference to it. I must not take
that kindness by writing at length, but I gladly avail myself of the
of just a few words.
between "lodge" and "gild" is one which perhaps I ought to have
kept more carefully in view in my article as I think it helps to clear
speaks of a "Fraternity of Architects" whose government was regular,
who ranged from nation to nation. Dugdale calls them a "Company of
Architects who traveled all over Europe and who had several Lodges in
Ashmole refers to them as Italian Architects "who were Masons"
about and as existing before the time of Henry III.
looks like a widespread organization (Gild, if you like in the broader
the word) with a more or less permanent character, and lodges formed of
of this Association, local, and perhaps temporary in character.
I hold then
that these lodges were controlled in some way by the Gild, or I would
go so far
as to say Gilds, since I do not identify them with Italy alone. But I
do not for
a moment claim a central Gild or authority drawing up plans, issuing
and training architects; so that when I mention "some authority", an
which of necessity must be somewhat vague, I rather intend to convey
the idea of
a consensus of opinion whereby Masons worked on similar lines in
matters of architectural
style which developed and even changed from period to period on regular
lines; as for instance the use of the pointed arch which superseded the
I think the absence of a central Gild dominating everything is proved
by the influences
of various schools, Byzantine, Ravenese and Comacine on each other, as
well as by
the individuality of detail which marked the work even in Great Britain
say nothing of our English departure from Continental ideals.
these variations there was some fundamental unity of thought and
to the workers in Europe and our brethren of the British Isles, and
that if Craftsmen
and Apprentices were educated in lodges, as they may well have been, it
accepted traditions that they were so trained. And I am not sure
whether we concede
enough to the influence of the Monastic Orders and the Episcopacy. We
find the names
in England, at any rate, associated with the great works of the Middle
Ages to be
those of ecclesiastics rather than the architects, and perhaps are
inclined to think
this a bit of usurpation. But let us take the case of the Cistercian
where we find carved ornament conspicuous by its absence although the
of such buildings conformed to the style of the period. This was on
account of the
idea held by that severely ruled order that such ornament was not
kind of Puritanism inculcated by that giant of the order, St. Bernard.
peculiarity, as contrasted let us say, with buildings erected by the
must have implied some control of design on the part of the monks, and
it may be
that after all they were, in some cases at least, the leading
architects. If the
Cistercians could thus influence architectural design why should not
the other Church
authorities and monastic bodies do the same? Bros. Kress and Meekren
seem to hold
that a common tradition and technique were quite sufficient to account
for the difficulty
we are discussing, but I am afraid I do not feel quite satisfied as to
of this opinion, although I cannot add what I think is still wanting.
But we are
not far apart, and somehow each time we write we get nearer together. A
indeed if we are converging toward the truth.
of Masonic History in the 18th Century
Prof. E. E. Boothroyd,
THIS second article by Prof.
Boothroyd is even
more interesting than the first one which appeared in the April number
of The Builder.
Masonic students are often led to misinterpret the early historical
records of the
Craft owing to their neglect of outside current events of the time. In
the author gives a vivid picture of a restless and disturbed transition
AS an appreciation
of the general aspect of the early eighteenth century supplies an
answer to the
questions why Masonry should have been reorganized at that particular
why that reorganization should have centered at London; so a knowledge
of the conditions
of life and thought ‒ the atmosphere of the times – will account for
of that reorganization and the new direction given to the activities of
The medieval craft guild was an organization developed in a particular
society to supply the needs of, and perform certain functions necessary
particular condition of society. With the change from medieval to
modern life those
needs were no longer or were differently felt, those functions no
or transferred to other institutions. The raison d'Ítre of the
craft-guild had therefore
vanished, and the institution was faced with the alternative of itself
with the conditions which had given it life, or adapting itself to its
and remodeling itself to supply needs of, and perform functions
the new regime.
To the outside
observer, the craft-guild of the middle ages would seem to have had a
function ‒ economic, eleemosynary, religious and social. It determined
of production, arranged for the support of the sick, needy and bereaved
ranks, played its part in the all-pervasive religious activity of the
age by the
maintenance of chantries or the care of special portions of religious
catered to the gregarious instinct of humanity by its guild banquets
and so forth,
and, in that borderland where religious and social activities
intermingle and where
today the Women's Auxiliaries and Young Men's Christian Association
play their parts,
arranged for the production of Miracle and Mystery Plays at the great
Corpus Christi. Of most of these functions it had been deprived by the
economic and religious changes which transformed medieval into modern
regulation of industrial conditions had been taken over by Parliament,
and the relief
of the indigent devolved upon the parochial system; the Reformation had
the chantries and simplified religious ceremonial; the birth of the
true drama and
the consequent rise of professional actors and permanent theatres had
the Miracle and Mystery and the waggon-stage or "pageant" on which they
had been performed by the guilds. The social instinct, that craving of
men to meet
and associate with their fellows, alone remained of all those medieval
had been supplied by the organization of the craft-guild. This social
not, however, satisfied by the mere act of assembling together except
in such imaginary
cases as the Hum-Drum Club described by Addison "made up of very honest
of peaceable dispositions, that used to sit together, smoke their pipes
nothing till midnight." There must be some definite reason for the
some common occupation for those assembled together. Moreover, if the
is to become popular and acquire wide influence, this reason and this
must be in harmony with the thoughts and feelings of society as a
whole. Hence the
necessity, for a true understanding of the reorganization of the
Masonic Craft in
the eighteenth century, of a familiarity with the character of the age,
of the thoughts, feelings, ideals, and longings of the time in
conformity with which
the institution must have been reshaped and its activities redirected.
only one way in which such a knowledge and understanding of eighteenth
can be acquired, the way pointed out by Taine in the well-known
literary work is not a mere play of the imagination, the isolated
caprice of an
excited brain, but a transcript of contemporary manners and customs and
of a particular state of intellect. The conclusion derived from this is
literary monuments, we can retrace the way in which men felt and
thought many centuries
ago." To steep oneself in eighteenth century literature, to saturate
and emotions with the Tatler and Spectator essays, the poems of Pope
and the Beggar's
Opera, with the letters of Chesterfield, the sermons of John and the
hymns of Charles
Wesley, with the satires of Swift and the novels of Fielding, is the
of reaching a sympathetic comprehension of the state of mind and
feeling of the
men who founded the Grand Lodge and remodeled the Masonic Craft.
impression derived from contact with the writers of the period is one
of a predominant
materialism. The men and women of the time seem wrapped up in the
things of this
world, dead to all calls and interests of a higher nature. Drunkenness
are rampant. Gin has recently been discovered and the inn-keepers
inform the public
that one can "get drunk for a penny, dead-drunk for two-pence;" while
the story that George II's daughter remarked, when his dapper majesty's
fancy appeared to be losing the royal favor, that she hoped he would
soon take another
mistress, so that things would be easier for her mother, throws a
on the moral sensibility of society. And, work of genius though it is,
a strain of coarseness and brutality in Tom Jones [Lib 1780] that makes the modern reader
the need of a moral and social wash and brush-up after the perusal of
masterpiece. Nor does the political life of the day afford a more
Walpole has systematized the parliamentary bribery and corruption begun
in the reign
of Charles II., and can say of a noisy group of Opposition members,
those men has his price;" while the ministers of the Hanoverian
corresponding with the Pretender at St. Germain and assuring him of
to his interests, with a cynical disregard of their oaths of office and
In religious affairs the spectacle of a Dean of St. Patrick's basing
to the abolition of Christianity on the argument that it "might have a
effect on the emoluments of the Anglican clergy," is not suggestive of
level of religious thought and feeling. Such a period of materialism
pleasure-seeking is, however, what the student of history would expect
at this stage
in view of the natural reactions of human character and of society.
After a prolonged
period of religious and idealistic activity, of political and
such as that of the Reformation and the religious and constitutional
the seventeenth century, it was almost inevitable that men should relax
and emotional tension and abandon themselves to the business and
pleasure of the
world. This reaction had begun at the Restoration, as those familiar
Diary [Lib 1885; (9 Volumes – see bibliography)] will realize as they recall
the passages in which the distinguished Admiralty
official relates how, feeling something hard in an envelope handed him
by one to
whom he had done an official favor, he shut his eyes while he shook out
that he might swear he saw no money in the letter when he opened it; or
how he desisted
from his attempt to hold a strange, but apparently attractive, lady's
hand in church
when "I did perceive that she took a pin out of her pocket to prick me
did persist." And the materialistic reaction thus begun continued well
the eighteenth century.
But a wider
and deeper acquaintance with the literature of the time will show that
of materialism, sensuality and disregard of religion and honor is not
the only aspect
of the age. Under the stagnant and noisome surface of the water there
and life of a very different character, germinating and developing,
time when the natural tendency to reaction should bring it in its turn
to the top,
to dissipate the accumulated scum of moral and emotional sluggishness,
the waters to new life and energy. The degradation into which the
the narrow Puritan morality of the kingless decade had plunged society
II. had produced a natural revulsion of feeling. Even at the height of
license we find Pepys recording his wish that Charles would leave his
and devote himself to the business of the nation, and his disgust at
and pleasure-seeking of high officials; and at the close of the century
publishes his rebuke of the grossness of the Restoration drama in the
view of the Profaneness and Immorality of the English stage." [Lib 1699] With the beginning of the
century we can note the strengthening of the moral reaction in the work
every writer of importance. The satires of Swift may have been, nay,
certainly were, merely the expression of the author's savage scorn of
of human nature; but in the pages of Addison and Steele, of Richardson
may be traced a profound belief in the real soundness of mankind, and a
promote the triumph of morality and common sense over the evil and
folly into which
the Caroline reaction had led. Addison, Steele and Richardson wrote
with a purpose,
and if Fielding was drawn into novel writing merely by the desire of a
being to mock at the anemic sensibility of his predecessor Richardson,
it is easy
to discern beneath his superficial coarseness a sane healthy view of
life and character.
The creator of Parson Adams and Amelia was no Caroline reprobate or
the Rochesters and Sedleys of life.
aspect of the early eighteenth century as revealed in its literary
record is thus
of a two-fold character. On the one hand is a dominant materialism and
cynical immorality; on the other, a clearly-marked moral and social
the evil tendencies of the age. By one or other of these
characteristics the reorganization
of Masonry must surely have been influenced. The Institution must have
by those who were remodeling its form and reshaping its activities,
either as a
means of securing the cakes and ale of life, or of subserving the
higher aims of
man. But the general condition of the age could only affect the general
the Craft; the details of the reorganization must have been influenced
by the particular
currents, tendencies and activities of the time.
contemporary interests and activities few works of the period throw a
than those daily essays which Addison, Steele and Budgell published as
of Mr. Spectator [Lib 1800; (8 Volumes –
and the real or fictitious letters
of his correspondents. Dependent on their sales to meet the expenses of
and provide remuneration for their literary labors, the essayists must
to appeal to the interests of as wide a clientele as possible, and the
and extensive popularity of the paper testifies to the success which
efforts. A leisurely perusal, then, of the eight volumes into which the
essays were finally collected ‒ "leisurely," for that was the character
of the age ‒ will serve as a substitute for Mr. H. G. Wells'
Time-Machine [Lib 1922], transport the reader two
back into the past, and enable him to breathe the atmosphere of the
while an examination of the topics discussed and the method in which
they are handled
will afford a clue to those public tastes and interests to which the
must, in their sphere, have conformed.
first characteristic that will attract such a reader's attention will
be the social
aspect of the age. It was during this epoch that "Society" was born in
England. Now "Society" is one of those nebulous words the exact meaning
of which it is not easy to realize, still less easy to express.
Included in the
content of the meaning is, however, a centripetal tendency on the part
of the individual
members of the community, a tendency to gather together, especially in
moments of life ‒ which aspect of the meaning will explain how the term
comes to be applied to that section of the community which is not under
of daily toil to secure the means of subsistence; the prominence of the
in this "Society ;" and, incidentally, why lodge meetings are generally
held in the evening, when "man resteth from his labours." Further, the
idea of "Society" implies the formulation of rules and regulations for
behavior and even for costume at these social gatherings, and
eventually on all
occasions. This course of action is the proper one, the other thing
done." It is "correct" to wear a black tie with evening dress on
this occasion, a white tie on that. In the little matter of
expectoration, I have
somewhere read that Queen Elizabeth expressed her annoyance with a
in biblical fashion by spitting upon his richly embroidered costume
may be afforded by a well-known passage in Shakespeare's Merchant of
the reign of Charles II. Samuel Pepys records in his diary the fact
the playhouse late and sitting in a back and dark seat, a "lady" did
upon him over her shoulder, which action, the lady proving
well-favoured, he seems
to have taken in good part and made use of as a sort of introduction.
proclaims the impropriety of the public performance of this ancient
rite in neatly
printed injunctions in street cars and railway carriages. The
regulation and organization
of social conduct and social activities in the eighteenth century is
brought out in those Spectator essays which deal with fashions of
and facial decoration, with the habit of "staring" and the Masquerade,
and the suggestion that tatting might form a suitable occupation for
"men about town." This rise of "Society," with its regulation
of costumes, behavior and taste on this, that, and the other occasion,
was an all-pervasive
condition of the time which must have been in the thoughts and
influenced the actions
of the gentlemen of the Goose and Gridiron.
with this general development of society and social life, and the
the leisure activities of the individual is the rise, within society at
particular groupings for particular purposes, the formation of numerous
which Addison dilates in Number 9 of the Spectator. "Man," says the
"is said to be a social animal, and, as an instance of it, we may
that we take all occasions and pretenses of forming ourselves into
nocturnal assemblies, which are commonly known by the name of clubs."
of the club at this time in London from the gathering of men with
at particular taverns and coffeehouses is one of the most interesting
the time, and its novelty and importance are attested, not only by its
in this particular essay, and in countless contemporary references, but
the fact that the authors founded a fictitious "Spectator Club" to
the publication and discuss the topics to be treated and the method in
should be handled.
in London, the institution spread throughout the land, a fact which
to another prominent feature of the period, the change in the position
of the capital
city, and the growth of the conception of London, not as A town, or
even THE town,
but as TOWN; as something distinct from other urban aggregations not
merely in size,
but in character. With the development of organic nationality the need
of a brain
and heart to direct national action and pump the blood of life to all
parts of the
trunk and limbs of the body national was supplied by this change in the
London which was held by Londoner and provincial alike, and in the
relation of the
city to the rest of the country. Society needed a central seat, an
or dictator of form and fashion; a critic of life in all its varied
and this London now supplied. What was worn in "town" was the question
in the minds and on the lips of-all; how the day was spent; what London
of this or that. And as one realizes this fact one appreciates how the
of a Grand Lodge at London ‒ the center of the national nervous system
felt throughout the length and breadth of the land, and the fashions
of that central body adopted and copied by gatherings in provincial
life of this newly-realized "society" had come an interest which, as a
source of social grouping and social activity, a topic of meal-time and
had, perhaps, lain dormant since the decline of Athenian democracy ‒
of politics. Political activity, the determination of policy and the
government, had not, of course, ceased from the fall of the
of the Aegean to the times of Anne and George I; but at Rome and during
ages the tendency had been for government to be left in the hands of a
of sovereigns, nobles and officials, and, except when conditions became
ignored by the mass of the population as something outside their sphere
beyond their comprehension. When Edward III asked the advice of
Parliament on a
matter of foreign politics the Commons humbly begged to be excused from
on "matters too great for their poor wits", and when the Lower House
presume to offer advice on foreign policy under James I the king
them to "meddle with mysteries of state too high for them." With the
of Parliament over the Crown and the rise of the party-system in the
reign of Charles
II, a change came over the scene and politics, in the modern meaning of
were born. Questions of war, peace and alliance, the actions of foreign
ministers, and matters of domestic policy became staples of
conversation. The Spectator
tells of the coffee-house Solons who knew and canvassed the minds and
aims of foreign
statesmen, and of ladies who showed their party leanings by the side of
on which they wore their patches; while the rise of Addison himself
and obscurity to the position of Secretary of state through his ability
as a party-pamphleteer
bears witness to the rise of that public opinion on matters political
and the importance
to the politician of securing its favor which gave us the daily press.
a condition of affairs which must have entered into the minds and
the Masonic reformers. Just when those religious differences which had
Englishmen in the seventeenth century had been composed by the
Toleration Act, a
new element of division had arisen in politics, as the breach in the
of Addison and Steel over the Peerage Bill shows. For this new interest
must be made. Politics must be one of the activities of the Order, or
"No Admission for Politics" must be inscribed over the entrance to the
part of the seventeenth century had been a period of emotional
activity. Men had
felt strongly and deeply, as the character of contemporary literature
Caroline Age is the great lyric epoch of English literary history, the
time of Herbert
and Herrick, Suckling, Lovelace and Carew, and song is an appeal to the
while even the prose of the period assumes a semi-poetic form,
appealing to the
heart rather than to the brain, as a hundred ringing phrases from
in the vein of the oft-quoted lines from the Areopagitica, "I cannot
a fugitive and cloistered virtue," or "There be delights, there be
and jolly pastimes that will fetch the day about from sun to sun, and
rock the tedious
year as in a delightful dream," will testify. Cromwell, the heroic
of the age, was a man of deep feeling, revealed in passionate
championship of the
poor and oppressed, the ever-recurring outburst in his letters to the
this was none other than the hand of God," and the fact that his own
was hastened at the loss of his daughter. With the reign of Charles II
begins to take precedence of the heart. Men begin to think rather than
And, in spite of such outbursts of popular passion as those which
marked the Popish
Plot and the Sacheverell Trial, the emotional fires die down. The new
age is characterized
by great critical and speculative activity. The founding of the Royal
the reign of Charles II, and the part played therein by men who were
or professional savants, by admiralty officials like Pepys and country
like Evelyn, each of whom became its President, reveal the intellectual
which was one of the dominant notes of the time, and which is summed up
in the life
and work of Sir Isaac Newton. It was at this epoch, as Professor Bury
in his "Idea of Progress," [Lib 1920] that the all-important
of the onward and upward movement of mankind was fully grasped; that
men began to
think of Paradise, not as in Milton's epic as in the remote past, but
in the remote
future; of the changes in human conditions as development along a line,
line, maybe, leading into valleys as well as on to heights, but not the
round a circle process, from Golden Age to Golden Age and then round
which it had appeared to the ancient Greek. How widely and strongly
and speculative interest was felt is demonstrated by the nature of
essays which were designed as their authors stated, not for the
and the schools, but to form a part of the tea-equipage of every
table. The daily sheets of Addison and Steele provide for the
entertainment of that
social hour a critical survey of life in all its varied aspects and
their readers are invited to reflect upon dress and superstition, upon
of the Italian Opera and its suitability to English taste, on grinning,
the use of cosmetics, the construction of an epic and the character of
The essays on True and False Wit, on Chevy Chase and Paradise Lost
carry on that
English literary criticism which, in any real sense, was born in the
Dryden. Masons may find something suggestive in the constant
description of their
writings by the essayists as "Speculations". The same phenomenon of the
critical and speculative occupation of social leisure meets us at a
date in the pages of Boswell's Johnson [Lib 1807; Vol 1, Vol 2, Vol 3], in the constant series of
which elicited the sage's dicta on a hundred and one subjects from the
of swallows to the credibility of Christian evidence.
As the subject-matter
of contemporary literature reveals the interests and activities of an
age, so do
its form and style reflect its general character and attitude to life.
Now it has
been held, and in the main truly held, of the writers of this age, that
of their works was subordinated to the form, that what was said
mattered less than
how it was said, and that their creed was accurately stated in Pope's
True art is nature to advantage
What oft was thought, but ne'er so well expressed.
is that the age of Anne and the early Georges was a formal age in which
was directed chiefly to externals, and the inference is borne out by
the very suggestive
letters of Lord Chesterfield to his son, directing the latter's
attention to details
of dress and behavior and reminding him that his dancing-master was the
personage in the formative period of his life. Consideration of form
of the correct way of doing things, must therefore have occupied much
of the thought
of the men and women of the eighteenth century. And this was natural in
the material and social aspect of the age. But as in the case of the
and pleasure-seeking of the period allowance had to be made for a
current of moral feeling, so this view of the formalism and objectivity
century literature requires some qualification. In his "Beginnings of
Romantic Movement" [Lib 1893] Professor Phelps has drawn
attention to the
existence from the earliest years of the century of a sub-current of
and writing flowing against the main stream of classical "Augustan"
and revealed in the work of such writers as Croxall, Lady Winchelsea,
and Thomson. Here, then, is a minor subjective and mystic phase of life
to some extent qualifying the dominant externalism and objectivity, and
revealed in even so classical an artist as Addison in those Oriental
tales and allegories
which were so popular with the readers of the Spectator.
very brief and imperfect outline, were the character, the interests and
of the early eighteenth century as revealed in the literature of the
age. In such
an atmosphere of materialism and sensuality tempered by the rise of a
of social and political life organized in clubs and parties, of
formalism and ceremonial
slightly tinctured With mysticism, of intense intellectual, critical
activity, with their minds and feelings permeated and their actions
by some at least of these interests and characteristics, the fathers of
met at the Goose and Gridiron in London, that "town" which had become
the center of the national nervous system, to inaugurate the first
J. Meekren Editor-In-Charge
some people ‒ we have all met them, who seem to be perpetually
mistaking, or taking
amiss, the meaning or intentions of what others say or do, or write. As
goes "they take things the wrong way." Beyond such standardized
as "Dinner is ready"; "It is time to go"; or "Please remit
at your earliest convenience"; they seem ‒ to their victims ‒ to take a
perverse delight in hunting up some interpretation that not only had
to the speaker, but is the furthest possible from his meaning.
in any given case, the reason is not necessarily the same. Some are
catch at a word or two which calls up for them certain associations and
paying attention further jump to a conclusion. Others are superficial
look beneath the surface, and if what is being said goes below the
current in social intercourse they cannot fathom it ‒ they do not try
give the utterance a surface meaning. A certain writer was dealing once
with a very
profound subject, the relationship of God to man, and he made the
though He was Our Father, He was not a fond parent. The phrase
disturbed a lot of
good people and they wrote letters about it, angry, caustic, critical
They had all jumped to the conclusion that instead of having chosen his
with the greatest care to express exactly what he meant, he had taken
it at random,
as presumably they would have done, and meant merely that God was to us
hard, unpitying ‒ nothing was further from his thought, as the rest of
made perfectly clear.
cases pre-occupation with another subject, temporary or habitual, leads
Make a passing allusion to the Constitution to an ardent
prohibitionist, and a certain
amendment comes to his mind. Speak of law and its enforcement and he
goes off at
a tangent into the subject of bootlegging and its prevention. Yet again
for misunderstanding may lie deeper and be more obscure still, it may
in the subconscious working of personal antagonisms, of jealousy, envy
And more confusing still any and all of these and like causes may
mixed in any proportion. Two people personally antagonistic cannot
agree even about
the weather, anything whatever will serve as a cause for dispute.
aside as rather hopeless, and confining ourselves to the mistakes that
can be explained
and cleared away, some more examples may be given that have recently
come to our
notice. There is much said today, this thought is parenthetical, about
we are supposed, and doubtless have, made great advances, nevertheless
seem as if the great ideal of what used to be called a "liberal
in "arts and humanities" has been lost sight of in the mass of new
aims and methods. That ideal was simple, so simple that no one ever
it was to enable a man to read and understand, not one thing but
anything. A mind
so trained is a very great asset to the body social even if its
possessor is not
an expert on something or other and even if he would not shine in
firing off answers
to a newspaper general-knowledge questionnaire.
A month or
two ago, in a journal of considerable literary pretensions, was an
article on things
in general, the author of which took the standpoint of that cynicism
which is supposed
to be the very latest thing and which is as old as the book of
older. He quoted and enlarged upon a very well-known verse from Pippa
"God's in His heaven, all's
right with the
it with the remark that it was doubtless after partaking of a good
Browning was moved thus to sing.
as quite irrelevant the fact that this writer may have justification in
us of mistaking him in the very way that we have been pointing out, by
a non-essential remark casually made; and merely noting, that though in
a warm, albeit temporary, feeling of optimism is induced by the
absorption of a
good meal, yet very few can do their best work in such a state, whether
poems or digging ditches; we will draw attention to the fact that the
point of the
refrain quoted from this poem has been quite missed. It is not
but Pippa's. This is important; for the tale tells how the determined
will of a
poor little, half-starved, ill-paid, over-worked factory girl to be
happy and to
make the best of things in spite of everything, entered into and
the lives of others. Browning was an optimist, but not of the
type. It was apparently his object to set forth the very worst aspect
of men and circumstances, and the inevitable tragedies of life, and yet
reader able to infer that in spite of all there was room to believe in
the good and the beautiful and the true.
periodical, devoted to the interests of a certain church, there was at
same time an article on missionary work in India, and the writer quoted
and today even better known refrain:
"Oh, the East is East and the
West is West
And never the twain shall meet."
proceeded to intimate that Kipling was quite and absolutely wrong, that
influence of the labors of the apostles of a certain denomination at
East not only could but did meet the West. Kipling, of course, is
to such misuse, for, apart from the fact that he never explains, he
and coins phrases so striking, and so "eminently quotable", that they
claim the attention and abide in the memories of the dullest. Doubtless
are familiar with these lines who never read the poem in which they
no writer in English since Shakespeare is so impersonal as Kipling. He
nothing of himself, it is not what he says but what the people say of
whom he speaks,
and they are obviously real people and could only have spoken or acted
if they never "dwelt on sea or shore", or had their being in any time
or space known to philosophers, even the followers of Einstein. It is
‒ there are tricks in all trades ‒ that in both these cases the writers
with their respective quotations but not with their context. Had the
on to the succeeding lines ‒
"There is neither East nor West
Nor border breed or birth" ‒
have been something to give him pause, and had he considered the whole
would have seen that Kipling had merely said in his way what he was
trying to say
in matter-of-fact prose.
remember ‒ it is ages ago now ‒ the wave of wrath and indignation that
Canada when the poem Our Lady of the Snows [Lib 1909; pp 353] was first published, a poem
embodied in beautiful and moving verse a very gracious compliment to
and its people. But the latter, at least the newspaper writers who
speak for them, flared out at the title. Canadians had then recently
sensitive about the climate of their country; they had begun to feel
that they were
too well renowned for exceedingly low temperatures. It had come to be
very bad advertising to even mention "winter." If Winter Comes had not
then been written, but if it had the book would doubtless have been put
The words "snow" and "ice" were to be removed entirely from
Canadian editions of standard dictionaries. And then to have their
under the name of Our Lady of the Snows ‒ it was too much. All the nice
of them in the poem counted for nothing, they but added to the insult.
is another book that has suffered greatly in this way. Had it not there
have been fewer warring sects calling and professing themselves
perhaps the thing was the other way round, had there been fewer sects
have been less misinterpretation. For centuries people have been
to their own damnation probably we are misusing the quotation here, but
it will serve. Passages from the Bible have been torn from their
context, and pieced
together to support dreadful doctrines ‒ we are not going to specify
‒ but most will agree that there have been dreadful doctrines thus
Paul has been set against St. James because one stresses faith and the
yet St. Paul said also exactly what St. James did, had men only been
find out what he meant and not seeking to use him as authority for
their own opinions.
to say, Freemasonry, too, has suffered the same way. The misconceptions
we may leave out of consideration, but those of Masons are important.
Again we have
no intention of going into detail; but the very different opinions that
member of the Craft will have come across will make it unnecessary. The
varying ideas as to the real purpose and function of the Institution
are to be found,
but perhaps should be put in a different category. But when it comes to
and fundamental duties and responsibilities laid on members and lodges
it is another
matter. They should be, one would think, clear enough. Yet they seem,
like the Law
of Moses, to be voided of all real meaning, and a pharisaical system of
mint, anise and cummin (or its modern equivalents we hasten to add,
lest we, too,
be misunderstood) put in the place of the plain meaning of the precepts
of the Royal
Art. Masonry suffers, as all big things do, for its size, the wood is
not seen because
the trees hide it.
round about Zion," said the Psalmist, "tell the towers thereof; mark
her bulwarks, consider her palaces." To one who approached by the Joppa
and went no further, the Joppa gate would thenceforth be for him
who would understand a thing must be prepared to go round about and
enter in and
see from every point-and even then they will probably not agree.
* * *
On Oct. 1,
Bro. Walter Clifford Burrell died at the Henrotin Hospital, Chicago,
Masonic affiliations were in Iowa and New York, but he will be best
known as President
of the Masonic History Company, which has for many years published
He was an
enthusiastic supporter of the National Masonic Research Society from
He was also a member of the Correspondence Circle of Quatuor Coronati
knew him intimately know well his keen desire for progress of Masonic
He loved the Craft and his pleasure was in its advancement. He took all
seriously. No worthy cause found him lacking in sympathy. His hand ever
aid, his tongue to speak the kindly word. American Masonry in him has
very great loss.
of the National Masonic Tuberculosis Sanatoria Association
Incorporated by Authority of the Grand Lodge of New Mexico, A.F.
MASONIC TEMPLE, ALBUQUERQUE, N.M.
AND BOARD OF GOVERNORS
HERBERT B. HOLT, Grand Master, President
JAFFA MILLER, Vice-President
RICHARD H. HANNA, Vice-President
ALPHEUS A. KEEN, Secretary
FRANCIS E LESTER, Executive Secretary, Las Cruces, New Mexico
JOHN W. TURNER, Treasurer
ARIZONA ‒ Lloyd C. Henning, Holbrook.
ARKANSAS ‒ Claude L. Hill, Grand Master, Booneville.
CONNECTICUT ‒ Fred A. Borland, Past Grand Master, South Manchester.
FLORIDA ‒ Cary B. Fish, Grand Master, Sarasota.
IDAHO ‒ Will H. Gibson, Grand Master, Boise.
KENTUCKY ‒ G. Allison Holland, Grand Master, Lexington.
MINNESOTA ‒ Albert F. Pray, Grand Master, Minneapolis,
MISSISSIPPI ‒ John R. Tally, Grand Master, Hattiesburg.
MISSOURI ‒ Wm. W. Martin, Grand Master, Daniphan
NEW JERSEY ‒ Benjamin F. Havens, Junior Grand Warden, Trenton.
NEW MEXICO ‒ Herbert B. Holt, Grand Master, Las Cruces.
NORTH CAROLINA ‒ Dr. J. C. Braswell, Past Grand Master, Whitakers.
OKLAHOMA ‒ Gilbert B. Bristow, Past Grand Master, Roosevelt.
RHODE ISLAND ‒ Howard Knight, Past Grand Master, Providence.
SOUTH CAROLINA ‒ Charlton DuRant, Grand Master, Manning
SOUTH DAKOTA ‒ L. M. Simons, Grand Master, Bellefourche.
TENNESSEE ‒ Andrew E. McCullagh, Grand Master, Maryville.
TEXAS ‒ Dr. Felix P. Miller, El Paso.
UTAH ‒ Fred M. Nye, Ogden.
VERMONT ‒ Christie B. Crowell, Grand Master, Brattleboro.
NORTH DAKOTA ‒ Dr. J. S. Lamont, Dunseith.
WASHINGTON ‒ Morton Gregory, Grand Master, Masonic Temple, Tacoma.
WlSCONSIN ‒ Fred L. Wright, Past Senior Grand Warden, Milwaukee.
WYOMING ‒ Frank S. Knittle, Grand Master, Casper.
ORDER OF THE EASTERN STAR, GENERAL GRAND CHAPTER ‒ Mrs. Clara Henrich,
Grand Matron, Newport, Ky.
ROBERT J NEWTON Editor Publicity Director N. M, T. S. A. Las Cruces New
Grand Lodge should take care of its own tuberculous Masons in its own
that the National Masonic Tuberculosis Sanatoria Association should
attempt to provide
relief and hospitalization for the sick and wandering brethren in the
is the doctrine enunciated by the Board of Governors of the Sanatoria
at their meeting in Chicago on Nov. 19.
cause of Masonic tuberculosis relief is one that is of vital interest
to the leaders
of the Craft was proved by the fact that there was a large attendance
at the meeting,
although it was the fourth day of Masonic meetings for some of those
of them had sat through the Grand Masters' Conference on Tuesday, two
days of the
Masonic Service Association meeting and remained for the one day
Holt, Grand Master of New Mexico and President of the Sanatoria
the meeting to order and in his presidential address covered the
history of the
movement, proof of the need for relief and some suggestions for action,
making any definite recommendations.
Lester, Past Grand Master of New Mexico and the Executive Secretary,
made a report
of the organization and publicity work, and Alpheus A. Keen, Secretary
of the Association
and Grand Secretary of New Mexico, presented the financial report
showing an expenditure
of approximately $10,000 in more than one year of operation.
complete discussion followed during the morning session and was
continued in the
afternoon. Out of this developed the plan of action. It was determined
National Masonic Tuberculosis Sanatoria Association should continue its
of education with the double purpose of informing the Craft as to the
and prevention of tuberculosis and also to secure action by all Grand
relief and hospitalization. Freemasons of every state will be urged to
for relief in homes, to care for sick Masons and members of their
families in existing
tuberculosis sanatoria, and in some state to build a State Masonic
Sanatorium, or to build a Masonic hospital building in connection with
Tuberculosis Sanatorium or some other tuberculosis institution.
between Grand Lodges and State and local Tuberculosis Societies,
and other agencies will be urged, to secure their services in the
treatment of tuberculous Masons and families, the services of home
and the benefit of such cooperation in every line of anti-tuberculosis
by the organizations and institutions which specialize in this problem.
and treatment of all members of the patients' families, especially the
to secure necessary care and treatment to guard against the development
cases in the family, will also be urged.
Masonic Tuberculosis Sanatoria Association will act as the agency to
relief and hospital care for sick Masons who wander away from the home
seeking arrest of their disease in milder climates. The executive
officers of the
Association were directed to secure all facts and figures as to the
cost of hospital
construction and to present them to a later meeting.
for funds for immediate relief was authorized and will be made. All
and Masons will be asked to contribute to the relief of those who stand
in the Northeast
Corner of the Southwest, so that they may be cared for at once.
will be initiated with the first funds available. All contributions for
should be sent to Alpheus A. Keen, Secretary, Grand Secretary of New
Mexico at the
Masonic Temple, Albuquerque, New Mexico.
Gift That Counts
inmates of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers, at
recently sent a contribution to the National Masonic Tuberculosis
for Masonic tubercular relief with the message, "May the Heavenly
It was a
"widow's mite" in the sense that it was not a large contribution, but
coming from these disabled soldiers and accompanied by such a message,
it is one
of the greatest offerings yet made for the care of Masonic sick.
the Modern Woodman
Organization Has Done
Sanatorium was established in 1909 twelve miles from Colorado Springs
for the treatment
of tuberculous members, and since then over 6500 cases have been cared
for. In percentage
of lives saved through arrest of tuberculosis, cured cases and
improvement in health
of thousands of afflicted members, this sanatorium holds and maintains
record of any similar institution in the world. The cost of maintaining
is close to $40,000 a month.
I hope you
will pardon this very tardy acknowledgment of your note of July 20,
to the national movement initiated by the Grand Lodge of New Mexico, A.
A. M., for the relief and hospitalization of consumptive Masons. An
in Europe and numerous engagements since my return to the city have
an accumulation of correspondence, and I regret that your communication
received earlier attention.
initiated by the Masons of New Mexico, so familiar with the urgent and
need for action in behalf of their tuberculous brethren seeking the
of the Southwest, is one that should appeal to all Freemasons. I
this national movement to provide aid and comfort to the unfortunate
this dread disease, and trust that your campaign may meet with complete
JOHN J. PERSHING.
Hard Fight, Result
109. Grand Lodge of Illinois. This brother tells his own story in three
His story needs no comment. Note the dates of same:
Paso, Texas, May 16, 1922.
article in the Masonic Chronicler of Chicago, entitled 'The Grand Lodge
has just come to my attention. I happen to be one of the large number
who have been initiated into this 'Lodge of Sorrow', not of my own free
accord. I have laid down my working tools nearly two years ago. For the
months I remained at home' but as it became evident that the fight to
health would be a long one, it became necessary to break up our home,
sell the furniture
and my good wife went to work, while I went to a hospital in Chicago.
I remained six months, during which time I made no improvement
was tried, but on account of many adhesions, I could not take the
doctor then told me I had just one more card to play, and that was a
change of climate.
It was then that I was somewhat disappointed when I learned that the
Fraternity had no sanatorium in the West or Southwest, where the
is much faster and recovery more certain.
to come to El Paso. My condition made it necessary for me to have a
so I could remain in bed all the way. The railroad fare and these
required more money than I could afford, so my brethren of Bohemia
Lodge, No. 943,
furnished me the transportation.
last card so far seems to be a winning one, as I have made considerable
in the eight months that I have been here. If I continue to improve, in
year or so, I ought to have an arrested case, and once more be able to
earn my living.
citing my case merely because I think it is not very different from the
thousands of other Masons similarly afflicted. I am sure if there was a
Tuberculosis Sanatorium in this part of the country, that the lives of
a great many
Masons could be saved, and surely a live Mason is a greater asset to a
than a dead one.
most cases of tuberculosis in the advanced stages require from one to
to recover and the expenses of sanatorium treatment amount to a
or more a year, it is safe to say that many a brother who is not
to meet this expense is prevented from taking advantage of probably the
only chance of saving his life. Freedom from worry and a contented mind
to a complete recovery.
Sanatorium where a sick brother could stay until he was able to go out
a living, would assure these to him. There is no question as to the
such a sanatorium and a start should be made towards its establishment
at the earliest
possible moment. Every Mason in the country should contribute towards
It might be possible to purchase one of the many sanatoria now
operating in the
Southwest, and the work of saving the lives of our brethren, who are
sick and in
distress, could be begun in a short time.
all means, let us build a Temple for our 'Grand Lodge of Sorrow' where
of Improved Health will be conferred"
is a report of a public health worker who visited Mr. ____ by request:
seems to feel that his case has been at a standstill for some time and
he has even been slipping backward since September.
to finances, he says that they are at present nil, though he has spent
chasing the cure ‒ $200 of that being supplied by his home lodge.
was very much interested in the present movement to establish a
Sanatorium in the
West… . You will, I am sure, receive further details from him. He has
not had a
complete chest examination for a year."
Paso, Texas, Nov. 14, 1925.
write just a few lines this time to inform you that Mrs. Thrasher
called on me at
your request and asked me to write you.
certainly glad that the movement started a few years ago to build a
Sanatorium is still alive and gaining impetus. Since I wrote you my
letter on the
Lodge of Sorrow in 1922, my condition has remained practically the
same. On the
8th of last September I had a hemorrhage from which, it seems, I cannot
as I raise a little blood every few days. My sputum has been clear as
long as a
week at a time, only to find a little blood in my sputum the next day
and so it
has been since my hemorrhage.
my progress cannot be considered satisfactory it must be remembered
that I was a
hopeless case to start with. A very far advanced case over five years
I had to stop working and it was very doubtful at that time whether I
one month. I am, however, still living, and while not able to follow
occupation I have been at times fairly active. My diseased lung has
been from the
start and is today, rotten, that is about the only word that will
it. It also has a large cavity near the apex.
giving serious consideration to the thoro-coplasty operation, which
be the only one thing left for me to do if I should not stop raising
blood, or it
may even be worth trying if I do stop raising blood.
these five years of fighting, my financial condition is very nearly
like that of
a bankrupt, but have been able to get by fairly well, when not
confronted by many
bills for medical attention. Since my hemorrhage in September, have had
more medical attention than usual, and of course this proves a hardship
try to write an article in the near future and probably there will be
or suggestions in it that may be helpful to you in your efforts to make
become a reality. If I can help the good work along in any way, let me
know, I will
gladly do whatever I can."
10, 1926, El Paso, Texas.
started to write several times but have been so uncertain and undecided
things concerning my future, that I was at a loss as to what to write,
and the beginning
of the letter was also its finish.
been feeling unusually good since I wrote you last and have been taking
and am holding up well under it.
been deliberating about the operation and decided to postpone it
I should continue to feel as well as now and improve, I may give up the
should there be another set-back like last September then I would go
this is a wise decision, I do not know, but I am not anxious to get cut
it becomes absolutely necessary.
much appreciate your offer to make arrangements with El Paso physicians
care of me, but I will give myself one more chance to get by without
and should future developments make it necessary for me to resort to
it, I will
at once communicate with you."
Bros. A. L. Kress and
R. J. Meekren
of the tracing or trestle board, and its conjectural forerunner, the
or floor prepared for making working drawings on, led us last month
rather far afield
into a discussion of the technical methods of the Operative Freemasons.
were given, and more might be found, to make us think that the medieval
could not have had the profusion of plans that present day builders are
to because, for one reason, of the practical difficulty of obtaining
make them on, and that he would not have bothered with them in any case
he did not need them. And, further than this, a Freemason, was expected
to be able
to make whatever drawings he needed for himself to carry out his own
job. Some men
would make them more fully and accurately than others. Some doubtless
their work without them. It would depend entirely on the type of a
man's mind and
the extent of his experience. Besides this it must be remembered that
the work on the rough stone is essentially the same thing as making a
detail drawing. Under present day conditions the workman in doing this
the drawing made by someone else; then he was himself the designer and
was given as free a hand in the matter as his skill warranted. No one
yet had dreamed
of a state of affairs where specialization should produce men capable
of doing only
one thing or the other.
Now the simplest
way of reproducing a drawing or a plan is by measured offsets from a
To use a base line as well makes for greater convenience and accuracy.
This is the
general method employed by all draughtsmen. Where however the design is
and irregular, such as figure groups, landscapes, maps and so on, the
squares is more convenient. Essentially it is the same thing in
principle, the whole
area being measured out beforehand. In theory any set of crossing lines
curved or crooked ‒ and it would make no difference however irregularly
spaced; but for obvious practical reasons straight parallel lines at
intersecting at right angles, are most convenient in every way, as we
saw in the
discussion of the diamond and equilateral triangle as the base of
design. That this convenience and practicability is a real one, and
does not depend
on being a convention to which modern draughtsmen are accustomed (as,
the system of coinage used in England, which only use and wont could
is proved by the fact of its universality. It is not only employed by
engineers and architects today, but it was used by ancient Egyptian
painters. Bro. C. Purdon Clarke is authority for its use by Persian
a very important paper on the subject read before Quatuor Coronati
Lodge in the
early days of its existence, and he also reproduced architectural
on squared paper in 1541, and some plates from the 1621 edition of the
showing this method exemplified for drawing the human figure and for
a capital of the Ionic order.
technique, which is presumably still in use, is very interesting from
of view. The drawings having been made on squared paper are reproduced
on a specially prepared floor made of plaster of Paris carefully
leveled. The point
is not specifically mentioned, but the modus operandi of the technique
naturally to call for the marking out of this floor into squares
those on the paper.
Let us now
consider what the requirements of the medieval Freemason would have
done more or less by freehand, would have been made by the Master
called in by those
who were having the building erected ‒ the "lords" spoken of in the Old
Charges ‒ and agreed upon between them. There is no need to suppose
they were drawn
strictly to scale, the trained hand and eye of the artist needs only
minimum of measurement, and the Master Masons of Gothic work must have
been as much
artists as craftsmen. The chief measurements of the building may have
in a memorandum or contract similar to the one quoted last month.
Taking a church
as the most typical structure, after the chief dimensions of length,
width and height
had been determined, there would be the question of the number of bays
to be in chancel and nave, whether there were to be towers, transepts,
so on; and the contract already quoted shows how other buildings might
to as models in place of precise descriptions or drawings. In a large
where (as was done most frequently) part was to be completed first, it
a plan would be drawn, but it would be more of the nature of a
or sketch, than a drawing done accurately to scale. Every bay in the
a complete unit in itself, structurally speaking, the chevet, or head,
at the east
end, whether apsidal or square (as was most usual in England) would
need to be drawn
more fully, as also the west end with the facade and main entrances,
and the ends
of the transepts if there were any. But all these parts and their
as well known to all the masons as the parts of an old frame building
were to the
pioneer carpenters who put them up. The difference between one church
was in its proportions. The relation of height to breadth and length,
the size of
the windows, of the lower arches to those of the triforium and
clerestory, and so
on. In these there was room for infinite variety, but the essential
always the same, that is, for the same type of church. A small parish
a timber roof would not have the flying buttresses that were necessary
the soaring vaults of a cathedral; yet even here the flying buttress
was only an
elaboration of the simpler solid form used in the smaller building.
however, would need some elaboration in design as, for example, the
of the distinguishing characteristics of the Gothic style of building.
Let us suppose
that an arch was to be constructed; it does not matter whether for door
or for one of the bays, all were designed on the same principles. Today
be very carefully drawn to scale, then some junior draughtsman in the
office would make large size detail drawings for the different parts,
and from blue
prints of these the stone cutters would work. All this needs a very
of accuracy in the drawing because the workman follows it blindly, he
has no say
in the design and no discretion. The medieval craftsman on the other
hand was told
there was to be an arch, and how high and wide it was to be, and duly
to "go to it," in whatever was the slang of the day.
of Gothic Arches
Romanesque arches were semicircular, those of the Gothic style were
formed, as is
well known, on the intersecting arcs of two circles. A great practical
of the circle over any other curve is that every radius is normal to
and the angle that the joint must make with the curve of the arch is
by drawing any line from the center to the circumference. In Fig. 1 is
shown a diagram
of a typical Gothic arch with a simple molding of two "orders." It will
be seen that it really consists of two separate arches, the outer one
the inner. It was usual to cut each prominent member of the molding on
range of stones, so that an elaborate doorway might consist of three or
built one outside the other. In the Norman arch these stones were often
An example is to be found in THE BUILDER for August last year [page
231, No. 6.
In No. 5 the upper part of a molded Gothic arch is shown]. A first step
was to cut off the corners, thus making a chamber, such as is shown in
the two small
windows of the north transept of St. Etienne at Beauvais, reproduced in
Club article last December, page 378. A later and more elaborate form
is to be seen at page 366, but from the section shown at the right it
can be seen
that the square outline of the stones was retained, the ornamentation
on the face. The Gothic form was evolved quite naturally, out of its
and needed very little change in methods of working, but the effect
changed entirely from the step-like form of the earlier style to a
giving the general appearance of sloping outward, though basically it
out of the square step form, the design requiring the minimum amount of
be cut away, as may be seen by reference to the sections in Fig. 1.
in stone was the indifference to the size of the voussoirs, which were
long or short
as the blocks happened to come, there being no attempt to make them
equal, or to
use the joints as ornaments as was done in Renaissance work. The effect
gained by the rounds and hollows of the molding.
It will be
seen also that the voussoirs were interchangeable; it made no
difference how they
came so long as together they filled up the space between the spring of
at A and the keystone at D, as shown in the figure. It will be noticed
the centers, marked C, fall within the arch. If the arch were truly
they would be at the intersections of the arcs with the base line. In
fall outside, producing a very acute form. Whatever type it was, the
width and the
height would be determined by the general design. When it came to
laying them out,
the centers could be found by a simple geometrical construction. It
would make no
difference whether working from inside or outside measurements. The
set out on the line h d, perpendicular to the base a b, and with a and
d as centers
two intersecting arcs are drawn, shown in dotted lines, and the
straight line joining
the intersections will cut the base line at the required point. It is
though that in many cases the centers were found by simple guess and
with a little practice can be very easily done quite accurately enough.
what has been said it can be seen that all that is necessary to work
(aside from the molding) is to get the proper curve and the correct
length of the stone being indifferent.
be worked first of all for the two faces, which would have to be
if a template were used, the curve and the line of the joint at each
end could be
easily marked off. Such a template is to be found among the Masonic
emblems in the
window from Chartres Cathedral, a drawing of which was given in THE
January, and which, for convenience, is reproduced here [Fig. 2]. There
to be one for each order or range of stones in the arch; and in order
to make them
full sized arcs would have to be drawn on the floor long enough to get
A reference to Fig. 4 will make it clear. The stock, or butt, of the
straight and coincides with the radius of the circle, the other limb is
fit the curve. The tool thus made would be used exactly like a square,
marking out and testing the angles of the joints. The dotted lines give
of the circle to show the constancy of the angle.
to make it, only short arcs would need to be drawn, but in order to get
of the curves, the arch, or at least one side of it, would have to be
drawn in full.
The length of course could be calculated, but it is doubtful if there
were any mathematicians
in the Middle Ages able to do so; it is quite certain in any case that
and most direct way is the graphic method of drawing the full arc and
are on the subject of implements it may be remarked incidentally that
like the levels and plumb rules used by the medieval craftsmen, were
made of wood. There is a widespread theory among Freemasons, in America
that there is a difference between the mason's and the carpenter's
former is supposed to have limbs of equal length, the latter to be
unequal and to
be graduated in inches and fractions of inches. The currency of this
appears to be chiefly due to the authority of Mackey, who, in his
says under this head: The French Masons have almost universally given
it [the Square]
one leg longer than the other, thus making it a carpenter's square. The
Masons, following the incorrect delineations of Jeremy L. Cross, have,
preserving the equality of length in the legs, unnecessarily marked its
with inches, thus making it an instrument for measuring length and
it is not. It is simply the trying square of a stone-mason.
We do not
know if this opinion was original with Mackey or not; it is quite
likely it was
not, but the facts do not agree with it at all. At the present time
a try-square, with a steel blade and a wooden stock. Carpenters use a
graduated, the long arm being two feet long, the shorter twelve inches.
the same square is used by stonecutters and other workmen, blacksmiths
It is peculiarly an American tool. In Europe the old home-made wooden
still in use both by carpenters and masons, and are exactly like those
we find in
medieval representations, a number of examples of which have appeared
in THE BUILDER,
as at pages 229 and 230 last year, and page 24 in the present volume.
merely samples, in fact we do not recall any old representation of
in which the limbs of the square are shown of equal length. In many
cases the stock
is very short in comparison to the length of the blade. There is a good
this in a wooden implement. The shorter the stock the less strain there
is on the
joint, and the less likely is it to be knocked out of truth by an
unlucky fall or
accidental blow. The French masons therefore have adhered faithfully to
tradition in this. But so also did the English, throughout the
at least. The squares shown at pages 312 and 313 last month are
examples of many
that might easily be found. Probably the real reason for making the
limbed in Masonic designs and jewels was merely a desire for symmetry.
shape of the working tool would not balance well as a collar jewel, nor
combine so well with the compasses. It is another case of an imaginary
which has not even the excuse of having some special symbolism attached
reference is given in
Gould's Concise History, p. 226 it is given also
in the larger work.
may be intended for a
template for moldings more on the principle of
a T square, is to be found in the curious engraving from a 1547 edition
reproduced in THE BUILDER for December, 1924, page 384. It is on the
above a common square and just under a narrow bladed saw. But the
curves shown are
not those of Gothic moldings, which however would hardly be expected in
what conditions did the
round arch develop into -the pointed form?
Was it borrowed from the Saracens or developed independently?
any symbolic teaching be
drawn from carvings and mouldings either in
contrast, or additional to that of square work?
any significance be
attached to the form of the mason's square?
Women Are Interested
quick to realize that hospitalization of consumptive Masons will
and children from infection and may save Masonic fathers to resume the
task of family
support. They want to help save Masonic homes from ship-wreck.
Worthy Grand Matron of the General Grand Chapter of the Order of the
Mrs. Clara Henrich, of Newport, Ky., is ready to lend the services of
to the National Masonic Tuberculosis Sanatoria Association. She writes:
"I will be only too glad to add
in my many letters and commend you for your wonderful work."
Evans Keyes, Grand Secretary, writes:
"I can think of no greater plan
than the one you are seeking to put through in the hospitalization of
Masons who seek the healing qualities of your climate."
Worthy Grand Matron has written the Grand Matrons of every state,
urging their co-operation
with the Grand Masters in every way they may be permitted to serve in
As a further evidence of her interest and desire to help, the Most
Matron has accepted a place on the National Board of Governors of the
Soon Can I Be
from tuberculosis are beginning to ask when they can be cared for in
Tuberculosis Sanatorium which has been the subject of discussion for
over four years.
Many have died while Masonic bodies talked about doing something. Many
doubtless die before something is actually done. One of them writes:
"I have just learned that there
may be some
chance of my receiving treatment ‒ I have just recently had a set-back,
light hemorrhage and feel that it is absolutely necessary to enter some
as soon as possible. I am no longer able financially to take care of
been sick for quite a while, and the members of my lodge have been very
me. They took care of me in a convalescent home here in El Paso for two
March and April. During that time I made such good improvement I tried
to go back
to work, but had to go back East to find work. Went back and rested a
started to work and only worked ten days and started a hemorrhage. The
advised me to return at once to this country and go into a hospital as
soon as possible.
I must do something. I am running very short of funds and realize that
I must save
as much time as possible. How soon can I be given consideration, or
my lodge sanction or recommend same?"
OF HENRY HOWARD MOLYNEUX HERBERT, FOURTH EARL OF CARNARVON, 1831-1890
the Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur Hardinge. Edited by Elizabeth, Countess of
by the Oxford Press. May be purchased through the Book Department of
Masonic Research Society, 1950 Railway Exchange, St. Louis, Mo. Three
illustrated, maps, tables of contents, index. 391, 400 and 383 pages.
to the general reader from the character of the statesman whose career
and the importance of the movements and events with which it deals, Sir
Life of the Fourth Earl of Carnarvon should have a special appeal to
"Freemasonry," as the biographer reminds us, "attracted Lord Carnarvon
‒ its ancient rites, its mystical significance, its world-wide
activities and brotherhood
appealed to him, and the condition in which he actually found Grand
Lodge, its want
of life and liberty, spurred him to a vehement effort at reform."
the world over will naturally be interested in the man who secured "the
of Grand Lodge as against the crippling decisions of the Grand Master
and the Dais
or Board," in England; who did much to foster the development of
the Overseas Dominions of the British Empire; and who, as Pro-Grand
called upon to deal with the critical situations arising from the
its principles of belief in God and the immortality of the soul by the
of France in 1877 and the condemnation of Freemasonry by the encyclical
of Leo XIII
a family of which Isaak Walton had written in the 17th century that it
with men of remarkable wisdom, and a willingness to serve their
country, and indeed
to do good to all mankind," Lord Carnarvon was naturally led to enter
life and devote himself to the public service; and the times in which
he lived afforded
a wonderful field for the exercise of his natural talents and the
display of the
family characteristics. There is a tendency to regard the latter half
of the 19th
century as a somewhat drab and uninteresting page in the record of
the period which witnessed the consolidation of the United States by
the War of
North and South, the creation of the Kingdom of Italy and the German
completion of English democracy, the rise to nationhood of the Overseas
of the British Empire, and the spread of Occidental ideas and interests
surface of the globe, was undoubtedly one of the most striking and
in human development. In all these movements Lord Carnarvon was keenly
and in many of them he played an important, often a determinative,
part. Sir Arthur
Hardinge leads us behind the scenes and enables us to appreciate the
action, to gather the impression made by leading personalities on one
of the foremost
actors in the drama, and feel the actual movement of the times.
charm of the book lies, however, in the gradual unfolding, as his
told, of the character of its hero. Sir Arthur wisely refrains from
set character sketch, and allows us to form our own picture of the man
record of his interests and activities. This is the way in which we
form our impressions
of the men and women we meet in actual life, and with whom we proceed
acquaintance to real appreciation, intimacy, and friendship; and its
by the biographer transforms his subject from a figure painted on
canvas to a living,
breathing man, and enables us to grasp the nobility and charm of his
in a way we should never do from a string of adjectival platitudes. The
of Lord Carnarvon's interests, from the price of sheep to the
confederation of Canada
and from the translation of Homer to the humanitarian regulation of
the courtesy and tact which made such a deep impression alike on
and Irish Home-Rulers, his devotion to duty and sturdy independence of
action, combined with his high standard of personal and political honor
a singularly complete and well-rounded character. Indeed, as we read
the three blue-clad volumes, we feel in contact with an almost
and look for the glitter of a halo around the noble earl's head, or
begin to suspect
that Sir Arthur has fallen a victim to that lues Boswelliana described
Essay on Chatham. But the last chapter, devoted to social life, in
which we see
Lord Carnarvon throwing off the cares of office and delighting in a
and executed practical joke, restores the human touch, and completes
the charm of
should have appealed so strongly to a man of this stamp, and that he
been led to devote so much of the scanty leisure of an extraordinarily
to Masonic activities and the furtherance of Masonic interests, is
another, if unnecessary,
testimonial to the appeal of the Ancient Craft
* * *
By Rudyard Kipling. Published by Doubleday Page & Co. May be
the Book Department of the National Masonic Research Society, 1950
Bldg., St. Louis, Mo. Cloth, table of contents, 354 pages. Price,
IT must be
confessed that the reviewer came to this latest volume of Bro.
Kipling's with something
like apprehension. He had seen sundry rather unfavorable notices here
both out of and within the circle of the Craft, and all seemed to
complain of a
lamentable falling away and loss of power. One critic excuses it
definitely on the
ground that he is growing old, while others seem to have this idea at
the back of
their minds. Frankly, on reading the book itself – some of the stories
well known ‒ there was a feeling of wonder bow these writers came to
Age as a rule, an almost universal rule, makes no difference in
literary work. An
old man sees things differently from a younger man, some things seem
him, others greater ‒ the surface becomes less important. But Kipling,
go, is not old.
only one story that we would be inclined to judge as not being quite so
that suffers from the excellencies that have gone before. The United
which tells us more of Stalky and the "egregious Beetle." It seems as
if this, and possibly The Propagation of Knowledge, suffer from a
This however is only impression as the stories are too skillfully told
to let one
be sure, and on second reading one is even less so than at first.
Half of the
stories are more or less connected with the war; some immediately, as
the Sea Constables
and The Janeites, others less directly. That this should be so was only
to be expected,
and not really in any way to be regretted. It would have been unnatural
not been, written as most of them were either during or soon after.
Those who are
still war-sick will not like them, but a subjective feeling of that
kind does not
affect their merit. It was very long ago that the writer came to the
that there was no learning to like Kipling's work, as is possible with
who in the first place repel. One either likes him ‒ or dislikes him at
introduction and usually very decidedly. Unfortunately many have
like him, or at least are interested, when they are in the other class;
judge him on very slight acquaintance. Above all things, to read him
one must not
fear in any way the naked facts of life, those which convention hides
that many people hate to acknowledge their existence.
has little concerning America, and that little will doubtless be deemed
by American readers. The Vine-yard has been published and criticized in
and enough said about it to make it unnecessary to say more here. The
is the inheritance of the United States, and it seems as if, quite
of course illogically), everyone who writes English should write from
standpoint; is a sort of traitor and renegade if 'he does not. Had he
been a Frenchman
or a Spaniard no one in this country would expect him to look at things
than from his own national standpoint, it would be allowed for. But
being an Englishman
he sees things as an Englishman; and as he himself said years ago, it
is in some
ways harder for the people of the two countries to understand each
because, speaking a common language, they expect too much of each
other. And the
poem We and They puts the matter into a nutshell, even where the
not so great as those enumerated. As the last stanza says:
All good people agree,
And all good people say,
All nice people, like Us, are We
And everyone else is They:
But if you cross over the sea,
Instead of over the way
You may end by (think of it!) looking on We
As only a sort of They.
or less disposed of this we may pass on. The wonderful story, In the
the Brethren, is included. It is a wartime story, but has little to do
war and a good deal with Masonry. We understand that official opinion
would have been decidedly against any such extension of lodge
activities as is there
suggested, though to the ignorance of the unofficial mind it is not
easy to see
any real objection. Three other stories are connected with this dream
and Works, No. 5837, but only as affording a jumping-off place for
them. One, The
Janeites, which is about the war, tells us of a new and wonderful
that will be incomprehensible to the uninitiated, those who know not
Jane. To those
who do nothing more need be said, there is only one Jane, and they will
why the Sister in charge said she was going to get Humberstall on the
even if she had to kill a Brigadier to make room for him.
Night" is a purely Masonic Poem; it is a poem and it is Masonic, a
which, judging by its extreme scarcity, is a most difficult
accomplishment. In this
we can only say that the hand of the master has lost none of its
cunning. We quote
the first and last stanzas:
"Once in so often," King
Watching his quarrymen drill the stone,
"We will club our garlic and wine and bread,
And banquet together beneath my Throne.
And all the Brethren shall come to that mess
As Fellow-Craftsmen – no more and no less.
So it was ordered, and so it
And the hewers of wood and the Masons of Mark,
With foc'sle hands of the Sidon run
And Navy Lords from the Royal Ark,
Came and sat down and were merry at mess
As Fellow-Craftsmen – no more and no less.
The Quarries are hotter than
No one is safe from the dog-whips' reach.
It's mostly snowing up Lebanon gorge,
And it's always blowing off Joppa beach;
But once in so often, the messenger brings
Solomon's mandate: "Forget these things!
Brother to Beggars and Fellow to Kings,
Companion of Princes ‒ forget these things!
Fellow-Craftsman ‒ forget these things!"
could easily be collected of the stories and poems from Kipling's
that have a Masonic connection. In fact it might be difficult to know
what to leave
out, for hidden allusions are to be found in many places, some where
they seem to
have almost entirely escaped notice.
feature of Kipling's art, due doubtless to his type of mind, is his
power of vividly
personifying things, and a man who can make a ship or an engine an
can make animals alive. The Bull That Thought is every bit as good as
Cat and Rikki Tikki, and for those who know the latter no more need be
The Eye of Allah the past has been brought to light even as it was in
Puck of Pook's
Hill, though the tale is not so pleasant. But many of his stories have
some there are that one would not read a second time – willingly, The
the Zodiac for one, the Head' of the District for another – to each his
There is. nothing quite like that in these last tales, it would seem as
were inspired with a deeper insight, a larger hope, a realization that
if the world
passes and the glory thereof it does not matter so much. Look well to
the end. The
end of the last tale is a wonderful thing, though one critic at least
seems to have
missed the point of what went before.
left the cemetery she turned for a last look. In the distance she saw
the man bending
over his young plants; and she went away, supposing him to be the
So did Mary
collection of Rudyard Kipling’s works can be found in the Bibliography
* * *
Man Nobody Knows
Bruce Barton. Published by the Bobbs-Merrill Co., Indianapolis. Cloth,
contents, 220 pages. Price, postpaid, $2.65.
Book Nobody Knows
Bruce Barton. Published by the Bobbs-Merrill Co., Indianapolis. May be
through the Book Department of the National Masonic Research Society,
Exchange, St. Louis, Mo. Cloth. table of contents. Price, postpaid,
TO call an
author popular in this day of commercial literature and best sellers
seems to imply
a certain depreciation of his effort. It is unfortunate, but when art
for money's sake, and success is judged solely upon the basis of copies
is no wonder that an author of real merit dislikes to be termed
popular. The true
meaning of the term should carry with it, nothing more than a
words intended for the scholar and those for the general reader. It is
hesitation that the term is applied to Bruce Barton. His literary
output is not
of the prolific type which characterizes the money-maker writer. The
plead ignorance of Barton's work in general, in fact it must be
admitted that he
has read no more than some of the current magazine interviews which
have added so
much to his position in the literary field. But on the basis of this
and the two
books herein reviewed it can be said that Barton does not belong to the
which the term popular would be applied in a depreciatory sense. That
he is popular
cannot be denied, his work has a widespread appeal, though it possesses
merit which lifts him above, the average author in the best seller
books of the type of The Man Nobody Knows and The Book Nobody Knows, it
difficult to avoid entering into the field of religious controversy.
reader approves, in which case he allies himself with the so-called
or he must disapprove and join the Fundamentalists. In either case he
at once places
himself in a position exposed to the missiles of the opposing faction.
It is only
by ignoring one group that one can hope to accomplish anything. And at
it may as well be said that those who tend to traditional views had
from reading either of these books unless they are willing to have
severely criticized. So far as the reviewer is concerned he does not
wish to enter
into any controversy on religion, and his opinions of the author's
advanced merely as his opinions and in no wise as a statement of his
Such a warning, it seems, should not be necessary, but experience has
an inadvertent statement often rouses the ire of those on the other
side of the
brief preamble let us view Jesus of Nazareth as Bruce Barton presents
it would be better to say, as the reviewer sees him through Barton's
pages. It is
an original and stimulating picture that has been given us. Barton's
Jesus is not
the inaccessible character hedged in by the terrors of divinity, and so
the average man 'chat by no effort can he hope to approach his level,
an intensely human and lovable personality, who, if he lived in the
would find his name on the calling list of each of us. If we needed him
even call on him to complete our Sunday morning foursome. It would not
be more shocking
than his eating on fast days was to the Pharisees, or defending his
plucking corn on the Sabbath.
This is rather
a different picture from that many of us received from kindly old
ladies who were
constantly looking for spectacles and telling us that we must love
Jesus, all the
while they were putting him in such a disagreeable light that we had no
know anything about him. Sunday was his day, and a deadly dull one. If
tumble games were indulged in, we belonged to the race of lost souls;
love us and we were headed for perdition by the most direct route. What
youngster could possibly like or be interested in such a person? No
wonder our ideas
of religion were of something to be avoided rather than to be sought.
This is not
Barton's Jesus, and it is not the Jesus that religion today is trying
Surely the God of us all, the Father of the human race, was not such a
for "piosity" that his children could not enjoy themselves in harmless
pastimes, even on Sunday. It is said that God himself felt the need of
the consecration of the seventh day of the week. If our rest is made
better by the
enjoyment of life, then 'chat must be the way in which he intended us
to make use
of it. Certainly the God, whom Christ called his and our Father, had no
of making a painful duty of our respect and worship of Him. Yet too
amounts to more than this. The old picture of Christ is, to a large
for this attitude. No human being, man, woman or child, has any use for
effeminate un-human figure as many religious teachers have made of
Christ. If the
idea can once be conveyed to the. people in general that Jesus was an
interesting character, thoroughly human whatever more he might be; if
from the pulpits
of our churches such a character as The Man Nobody Knows were to be set
if our laymen would read the Bible as they read a historical novel, a
tale of adventure,
or a story of success, then there would be created a solid background
to set the ethical teachings of the Carpenter of Nazareth.
It is just
such a foundation as this that Barton gives us. This is no kindergarten
a tale written for the man who has never received a really human
conception of the
Founder of Christianity. It does more than make religion a beautiful
makes Christianity an intensely interesting practice, and pictures
Christ as a good,
all-around fellow, successful, sociable, a lover of the innocent
pleasures of life;
the kind of a man you want for a friend.
is interested in reading about the success of others. The adventures of
boy who arose to a position of prominence in the affairs of the world
find readers. But these ordinary successes often leave nothing behind
them. In the
life of Jesus we have one of the most thrilling of successes, one which
only in its beginning. We see a great executive starting out as a poor
his early years in a carpenter shop in a small village of Galilee. At
we see a small organization of eleven men who had been picked from
in life and who came to be the leaders in an organization embracing
half a billion
people. Surely no modern enterprise can boast of such a record. This
be invited to every business conference. True it is that great
been launched without his aid, but modern business is being built more
along the lines of his organization. Service is coming to be the
keynote of commerce
as it was of Christ's teachings.
Such is the
work-a-day feature of Christianity; but we all like to play. There is
no more popular
place for recreation than the great out-of-doors. Jesus, according to
the old idea
of him had no place therein; he was a weakling, a fine companion such a
make on a camping trip! But he could teach you some things about the
that you don't know. There is little said about such things in the
Gospel, but can
one imagine a man who for three years tramped over the territory
knowing nothing about outdoor life? It was nothing unusual for him to
night under the stars. He must have been tanned like the old-time
cowboy and had
muscles like iron. This man was no weakling.
are seasons of the year in most countries where out-of-door activities
to a minimum, and indoor social gatherings are the order of the day.
Who would invite
his childhood Jesus to such a function? Yet the man was invited to
attend a bridal
party, and when the wine ran out, instead of letting the people go home
he changed the water to wine, the first of his miracles. Doubt the
miracle if you
like, it is sufficient for our purpose that he was invited to the
party, and Oriental weddings are very hilarious, and instead of putting
on the amusement, he helped it along. There was hardly a house in which
he was not
a welcome guest. He numbered among his friends not only those of high
but the publicans and sinners as well. He must have loved
companionship, and if
invited to a modern social function doubtless he would be the "life of
Barton from The Man Nobody Knows to The Book Nobody Knows is a natural
The nature of the author's treatment of the Bible as a whole is not
different from that of the period of Jesus.
is actually the world's best seller. The demand is continuous and an
of copies are sold each year. Even so, there are very many people who
little or nothing of what it contains. As an illustration, Barton cites
ago I met a man who wanted to know which of the Old Testament books
verse: "Thus saith the Lord, Every tub shall stand upon its own bottom."
If we see
the Bible as Barton tries to make us to see it, as containing an
outline of history,
a collection of wisdom, literature and numerous biographies, all of
which are as
interesting and as readable as any modern work. Some portions are, of
enough, but they are of little value, and one can skip them without
nothing unusual in a man's reading a history of Europe or America, and
no one thinks
him foolish for so doing. Why should the attitude be different because
to read a history of the Jews? Were it Klausner's History of Israel, no
comment, but because it happens that one interested in the Jews chooses
the historical book of the Bible there is an inclination among many men
him either a religious fanatic, or else that something is amiss in his
are not interested in history. Philosophy may be more to your liking.
In this event,
you can find much to entertain in Proverbs, Psalms and the Prophets.
is not the hashed over conclusions of pseudo-scholars, but the source
which you can form your own conclusions unhampered by the fetters of
minds. A philosophy of life can be gleamed from its pages, and it will
a philosophy based entirely on what you find therein, or one modified
to your own interpretations. In either case you are ahead of the game
for the reading.
We all like
biographies of great men, and possibly you may prefer such reading to
There is no better place to find it than between the covers of The Book
The life of Christ, Solomon, David, Noah, Adam, the prophets and
‒ a great mass of material for your entertainment, and he who reads may
Box and Correspondence
Young Man with Great
In the May
issue, page 149, you say, "the young man who came by night to Jesus did
like the advice to sell all he had and give to the poor; neither did he
how he could be born again."
This is decidedly
interesting to me.
Must I sell
all that I have and give it to the poor in order to be "born again"? I
have heard that phrase before: is that what it means? I wish that you
me fully as to what being "born again" means and what it involves.
we are told that we are ALL the children of God, where is there any
need for being
born again, and besides, how can a man be born again when he is old?
A young man,
who had read and traveled extensively, told me that Adam had two sons,
two sons represented two great religious truths. The oldest son was
(or Cane) and he was (religiously) the father of Freemasonry because he
first city-builder, and moreover of his seed there came the Masonic
Jubal and Tubal-cain
as mentioned in the lodge lectures. Moreover, this young man said that
brother represented the great religious truth of the Christians and
that only by
a blood sacrifice which he brought could a person become a Christian
and that therefore
the Freemasons are not advocates of that great religious truth.
please advise as to the reliability of this man's information? Where
can I find
the matter in detail from some one of our reliable scholars? I am very
in the “mysteries."
Now I have
asked you enough to cause you to write a book, I will close for the
you for the courtesy of a reply to my many tedious questions.
‒ L. B.
respect we fully agree with our correspondent, to fully discuss the
raises would make a book.
the last first; a reference to the Bible (Gen. IV, 25) will show that
Adam is said
to have had three sons, and the genealogical line in which the chief
is the third one, Seth. He was the ancestor of Noah. At its face value
have to conclude from the narrative that all the descendants of Cain
the deluge. It is possible that the informant of whom our correspondent
some acquaintance with the "Legend of the Craft" as related in the old
charges in which the three children of the earlier Lamech are
mentioned, and that
he combined this with the old allegorical interpretation of Abel as a
of Christ, just as the flood and the Ark, and the passage of the Red
Sea were taken
as types of baptism. But that such ideas as this had anything to do
with the relationship
of Freemasonry to religion is not borne out by the facts. It comes into
of history as a distinctly Christian institution. It remains a
in Northern Europe. It has in different countries moved a greater or
along the path of removing all qualifications based on religious
is much information on this subject in the Meaning of Masonry by
1922], The Men's House by Newton
Great Teachings of Masonry by Haywood [Lib*], Speculative Masonry by
1914], and Builders of Man [Lib*]
to the first question, it may be better to refer to the passages
alluded to, they
were not quoted. The first three gospels tell us of a man who had great
Luke tells us he was a ruler, and asked the Lord what he had to do to
he claimed to have kept all the commandments from his youth up, and so,
he was told
to sell all he had and give it to the poor. It has generally been
this was the same Nicodemus who, according to John, came and was told
that be must
be born again to enter the Kingdom of Heaven. It would seem therefore
away all one has and being born again are not contingent on each other
Nicodemus seems to have understood the phrase literally, but it is
what Jesus meant was an initiation (in the general sense) into a new
life, and in
the early church this initiation was supposed to be fulfilled in
baptism. And the
church put a very exclusive construction on this ‒ only those who had
could be regarded as "children of God." And if the whole passage where
this phrase occurs (Gal. 111, 26) is taken as a whole, it is hard to
avoid the conclusion
that Paul taught the same thing. Only those who had voluntarily
accepted the faith
and had received the initiation of baptism were of the children of God.
of mankind were children of wrath, of disobedience and not "heirs of
* * *
and the Obligation
In THE BUILDER
of November, 1924, there is a very interesting account of the Morgan
Affair in Western
New York in 1826. I was born in 1850, not far from Canandaigua, and in
days heard a great deal about the "Morgan Killers." Now it so happens
that I am very intimately acquainted with a prominent Mason who is a
one of the two men who made the final disposal of Mr. Morgan in 1826;
from him I
learned the details of the whole affair as he got them from his father
The kidnappers were Canadians and the place where they lived can be
seen from near
ever a time in America when Masons were obligated by their oaths to
inflict a penalty
on those who betrayed their secrets as was alleged in the ease of
H. G. HUBBARD, Pennsylvania.
traditional in your family is certainly very interesting, though it is
to reconcile it with the few definite facts that have been fully
the faithful brethren of the, period seem to have generally insisted
was taken to Canada, and that he went thence on his own motion to parts
Privately, many Masons undoubtedly believed or suspected that he had
been made away
with. Whether they actually knew more than the general public seems
excepting, of course, the very few individuals who were actively
concerned in the
you raise is one that can be emphatically answered in the negative.
Never, in any
country, has any Masonic promise or obligation been demanded of
initiates to take
any action, individually or collectively, in such a case; not even the
proper and lawful penalty of suspending or expelling an unworthy
member. There has
been apparently a continuous evolution in this matter of Masonic
the modern period there was apparently a tradition of a death penalty
for the revelation
of Masonic secrets. The newly made Masons were probably informed of
there is absolutely nothing either in the Old Charges and regulations
on the subject.
In the seventeenth century and up to the Grand Lodge period this had
become only a ritual method of emphasizing the binding character of the
by the initiate. In the modified and revised forms of a later date,
after 1723 perhaps,
this was made explicit by adding it to the formal promise made by the
so that instead of being informed that it was a traditional law, he
penalty upon himself, saying, in effect, "rather than do this I would
that," or, "Should I do this I deserve that." But this compromise
between the conservative desire to retain an ancient form, that was
also felt to
be symbolic, has undergone still further modifications. In many places,
the traditional penalty, some such clause as this is added: "Or the
effective one of incurring the contempt and detestation of all
And in some European rituals the process has gone further still and the
clause has been entirely eliminated.
period between 1730 and the end of the eighteenth century another step
in this evolution
was taken, in the addition of a general statement that the promise
nothing contrary to religion, morality or statute law. After the
in this country this statement was minutely particularized and put in
the form of
a solemn declaration or pledge to the candidate, which in legal effect
possible interpretation of the promise null and void that could be
or that was against the individual's conscience, while the forms of
also been modified to absolutely rule out the possibility of any such
if there was any truth at all in the respective "relations" of Edward
Giddins and Samuel D. Greene, both of whom by their own account were in
of the trouble, we might judge that a number, and possibly many, of the
and comparatively uneducated Masons of Western New York in 1826 did
spite of the intentions of those who had revised the rituals,
understand that they
were bound to assist in punishing traitors. Of course this was the very
the anti-Masons sought to make, and these two men are by no means
but even if it were so it was not the fault of the fraternity but the
of individuals that was to blame.
* * *
Order of St. John at
I have recently
seen a paragraph in a Masonic magazine, under the heading "English
Acquire Old Jerusalem Site," which states that the English Grand Priory
the Knights of St. John have bought a part of the 'historic site
their order in Jerusalem. I should like to know more about this.
J. S. L., Connecticut.
is, we believe, quite correct, but then the heading appears to be an
close connection now existing between the modern Masonic Order of
Templars and Knights
of Malta, has led to quite general misconceptions on the subject. The
by the way, is historically rather ridiculous as the two Orders were
and their intestine feuds had much to do with the loss of Palestine to
be remembered that the Order of St. John, commonly called Hospitallers
first Knights and Rhodes' and then Knights of Malta, continued their
through the Middle Ages down to the present time. Much of the property
of the suppressed
Templar Order was transferred to them.
were organized by Languages – each Language had its own headquarters,
but the general
government was in the Grand Master, who resided at Malta, from the time
drove the Knights out of Rhodes till Napoleon took the Island from
them, after which
they retired to Trieste where they still exist.
Reformation the English "Language" broke away from the main body and
members adhered to the Church of England. They have had a continuous
since then. They retain all their original exclusive and aristocratic
and they also carry out their original object of aiding and assisting
the sick through
hospitals. They have never had the remotest connection with
the borrowing of their name by the latter.
last year made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, at which time we believe the
referred to was made. A very interesting account of the pilgrimage has
* * *
Can you give
me any information relative to the symbolism of the Compasses? It is
said that they
belong to the Grand Master. Is there any reason for this statement?
W. N. Tucker, Saskatchewan.
attempt were made to furnish the details of all theories relative to
of the compasses, one would soon find himself the author of a volume of
size. In the study of symbolism individual thought plays a most
It is impossible to say that any interpretation is the correct one and
are wrong. Everyone is privileged to draw his own conclusions, and one
just as correct as another. One explanation that has received
is that the compasses represent the God in man. The evolution of this
idea is a
process which if we endeavor to trace its beginning takes us back to
the times of
the ancients. Early in the development of religion the sun was
represented by a
circle. At a later stage arcs came to represent the planets and their
paths. A semicircle
was frequently used as a symbol of the celestial hemisphere. Because
were the only instruments which would inscribe circular lines they
the symbolism of the results of their work, in much the same way that
came to be a symbol of earthly things. In the course of religious
heavens came to be looked upon as the source of good and consequently
was incorporated in the significance of the compasses. As a consequence
have come to represent those heavenly qualifications which are
interpreted as the
characteristics of a really good man.
seems to be a general acceptance of the compasses as the property of
the Grand Master,
but no reason is generally accepted for this practice. A possible
be that the compasses are primarily an instrument of design and would
not be used
in the practical work of quarrying and squaring stones, nor in setting
are the duties of the Craft in general. Designing belongs only to those
attained proficiency in the other branches of the trade and who have
come to be
called Masters. It would follow that the Grand Master, as chief
architect and designer,
would have his office designated by that instrument which was
to his occupation.
* * *
Position of the Lesser
that the Grand Jurisdiction of Oklahoma placed their Lesser Lights in
the same position
as Wyoming, I wrote to the Grand Secretary who, in turn, referred me to
me, if you can, some reference as to which is the proper way to place
J. M. LOWNDES, Wyoming.
raised by Bro. Lowndes is of no little interest. There are several
which have been in use in various sections and all of which seem to be
it is generally conceded that the proper distribution is one at the
station of each
of the principal officers. In some American jurisdictions they are
and placed at the South of the altar, one to the East, one South and
one West. Another
variant is formed by enlarging the triangle thus formed so that one
light is East
of the altar, another South and the third West, all being so placed
that they do
not interfere with the ceremonial. All of these may be no more than
which have evolved from the English form.
which may have been in general use throughout the northeastern section
of this country
is a radical departure from anything thus far explained. The lights are
one to the East, one Southeast and one West, the East and West tapers
to a line drawn longitudinally through the lodge and the East and
to a North and South one. They were in close proximity and were we to
lodge with an East and West line and then quarter it by one drawn North
the situation of this triangle would be about the center of the
French charts show the lights placed as you do, one in the Northeast
in the Southeast and the third in the Southwest, although even they
seem to have
no uniformity. Generally it would seem that one light was added for
so that in the third degree instead of there being only one light in
there were three.
evolution of these variants would be a subject for interesting
it would probably be no more than speculation. Ritualistic evidence is
lacking on this point. One seems as correct as another, and at least
practice has the approval of age.
* * *
for Back Numbers
Department has a demand for ten or twelve copies of THE BUILDER for
and also for August and November, 1918, and November, 1919. If any
members of the
Society or other readers of THE BUILDER have copies of these numbers
that they would
be willing to dispose of will they please communicate with us?
Gid29AA1 / auth. Giddins Edward. - Boston : Office of the Anti-Masonic
Free Press, 1829. - Vol. 1 : 5 : p. 29. - 2.1 MB.
1830 Anti-Masonic Almanak
Gid30AA2 / auth. Giddins Edward. - Rochester : Edward Scranton, 1830. -
Vol. 2 : 5 : p. 37. - 3.5 MB.
1831 Anti-Masonic Almanak
Gid31AA3 / auth. Giddins Edward. - Boston : John Marsh & Co,
1831. - Vol. 3 : 5 : p. 53. - 3.8 MB.
1832 Anti-Masonic Almanak
Gid32AA4 / auth. Giddins Edward. - Boston : John Marsh & Co,
1832. - Vol. 4 : 5 : p. 65. - 4.7 MB.
1833 Anti-Masonic Almanak
Gid33AA5 / auth. Giddins Edward / trans. 5. - Boston : William Souther,
1833. - 5 : p. 54. - 4.2 MB.
A Short View of the English
Col99 / auth. Collier Jeremy. - London : S Keble, 1699. - Vol. 1 : 1 :
p. 307. - 12.1 MB.
Sew77 / auth. Seward William H. - New York : D Appleton and Company,
1877. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 842. - 39.5 MB.
Catalogue of Books
Gas52 / auth. Gassett Henry. - Boston : Damrell & Moore, 1852.
- Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 284. - 5.6 MB.
Collection Vol 01 - Plain Tales
from the Hills [1907
Kip07KC01 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 1 : 36 : p. 374. - 6.6 MB.
Collection Vol 02 - Soldiers
Three Pt 1
Kip99KC02 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1899. - Vol. 02 : 36 : p. 319. - 5.6 MB.
Collection Vol 03 - Soldiers
Three Pt 2
Kip07KC03 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 3 : 36 : p. 296. - 5.2 MB.
Collection Vol 04 - Black and
Kip07KC04 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 4 : 36 : p. 404. - 7.2 MB.
Collection Vol 05 - Phantom
Kip07KC05 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 5 : 36 : p. 398. - 6.8 MB.
Collection Vol 06 - Under the
Kip07KC06 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 6 : 36 : p. 378. - 6.6 MB.
Collection Vol 07 - Jungle Book
Kip07KC07 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 7 : 36 : p. 353. - 6.1 MB.
Collection Vol 08 - The Second
Kip07KC08 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 8 : 36 : p. 241. - 4.2 MB.
Collection Vol 09 - The Light
Kip07KC09 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 9 : 36 : p. 340. - 5.8 MB.
Collection Vol 10 - The Naulahka
Kip07KC10 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 10 : 36 : p. 386. - 6.6 MB.
Collection Vol 11 - Verses
Kip07KC11 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 11 : 36 : p. 379. - 5.3 MB.
Collection Vol 12 - Captains
Kip05KC12 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1905. - Vol. 12 : 36 : p. 252. - 4.4 MB.
Collection Vol 13 - Days Work
Kip07KC13 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 13 : 36 : p. 323. - 5.8 MB.
Collection Vol 14 - Days Work
Kip05KC14 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1905. - Vol. 14 : 36 : p. 314. - 5.4 MB.
Collection Vol 15 - From Sea to
Sea Pt 1
Kip06KC15 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1906. - Vol. 15 : 36 : p. 510. - 8.8 MB.
Collection Vol 16 - From Sea to
Sea Pt 2
Kip06KC16 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1906. - Vol. 16 : 36 : p. 565. - 9.6 MB.
Collection Vol 17 - Early Verse
Kip06KC17 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1906. - Vol. 17 : 36 : p. 308. - 4.2 MB.
Collection Vol 18 - Stalky
Kip06KC18 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1906. - Vol. 18 : 36 : p. 345. - 5.8 MB.
Collection Vol 19 - Kim
Kip05KC19 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1905. - Vol. 19 : 36 : p. 492. - 8.8 MB.
Collection Vol 20 - Just So
Kip25KC20 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1925. - Vol. 20 : 36 : p. 233. - 4.5 MB.
Collection Vol 21 - The Five
Kip03KC21 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1903. - Vol. 21 : 36 : p. 216. - 2.9 MB.
Collection Vol 22 - Traffics
Kip07KC22 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1907. - Vol. 22 : 36 : p. 449. - 7.6 MB.
Collection Vol 23 - Puck of
Kip06KC23 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1906. - Vol. 23 : 36 : p. 297. - 5.3 MB.
Collection Vol 24 - Action and
Kip25KC24 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1925. - Vol. 24 : 36 : p. 323. - 5.9 MB.
Collection Vol 25 - Rewards
Kip05KC25 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1905. - Vol. 25 : 36 : p. 367. - 6.2 MB.
Collection Vol 26 - Diversity
Kip18KC26 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1918. - Vol. 26 : 36 : p. 508. - 8.7 MB.
Collection Vol 27 - The Years
Kip25KC27 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1925. - Vol. 27 : 36 : p. 201. - 2.7 MB.
Collection Vol 28 - Letters of
Kip20KC28 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1920. - Vol. 28 : 36 : p. 334. - 5.7 MB.
Collection Vol 29 - The Irish
Guards Pt 1
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Sons, 1923. - Vol. 29 : 36 : p. 524. - 9.4 MB.
Collection Vol 30 - The Irish
Guards Pt 2
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Sons, 1923. - Vol. 30 : 36 : p. 461. - 8.4 MB.
Collection Vol 31 - Debits and
Kip26KC31 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1926. - Vol. 31 : 36 : p. 443. - 7.3 MB.
Collection Vol 32 - Volume
Kip26KC32 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - 1926. - Vol. 32 : 36. - Volume not
Collection Vol 33 - Volume
Kip26KC33 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - 1926. - Vol. 33 : 36. - Volume not
Collection Vol 34 - War
Writings & Poems
Kip37KC34 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1937. - Vol. 34 : 36 : p. 465. - 7.4 MB.
Collection Vol 35 - Land and
Kip37KC35 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1937. - Vol. 35 : 36 : p. 270. - 4.4 MB.
Collection Vol 36 - Something
Kip37KC36 / auth. Kipling Rudyard. - New York : Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1937. - Vol. 36 : 36 : p. 277. - 4.8 MB.
Diary and Correspondence - Vol 1
Pep85DC1 / auth. Pepys Samuel / ed. Bright Mynors. - New York : Dodd,
Mead and Co., 1885. - Vol. 1 : 9 : p. 386. - 13.1 MB.
Diary and Correspondence - Vol 2
Pep85DC2 / auth. Pepys Samuel / ed. Bright Mynors. - New York : Dodd,
Mead and Co., 1885. - Vol. 2 : 9 : p. 369. - 12.5 MB.
Diary and Correspondence - Vol 3
Pep85DC3 / auth. Pepys Samuel / ed. Bright Mynors. - New York : Dodd,
Mead and Co., 1885. - Vol. 3 : 9 : p. 365. - 12.7 MB.
Diary and Correspondence - Vol 4
Pep85DC4 / auth. Pepys Samuel / ed. Bright Mynors. - New York : Dodd,
Mead and Co., 1885. - Vol. 4 : 9 : p. 361. - 11.8 MB.
Diary and Correspondence - Vol 5
Pep85DC5 / auth. Pepys Samuel / ed. Bright Mynors. - New York : Dodd,
Mead and Co., 1885. - Vol. 5 : 9 : p. 362. - 12.3 MB.
Diary and Correspondence - Vol 6
Pep85DC6 / auth. Pepys Samuel / ed. Bright Mynors. - New York : Dodd,
Mead and Co., 1885. - Vol. 6 : 9 : p. 369. - 13.1 MB.
Diary and Correspondence - Vol 7
Pep85DC7 / auth. Pepys Samuel / ed. Bright Mynors. - New York : Dodd,
Mead and Co., 1885. - Vol. 7 : 9 : p. 368. - 12.5 MB.
Diary and Correspondence - Vol 8
Pep85DC8 / auth. Pepys Samuel / ed. Bright Mynors. - New York : Dodd,
Mead and Co., 1885. - Vol. 8 : 9 : p. 365. - 12.7 MB.
Diary and Correspondence - Vol 9
Pep85DC9 / auth. Pepys Samuel / ed. Bright Mynors. - New York : Dodd,
Mead and Co., 1885. - Vol. 9 : 9 : p. 378. - 13.3 MB.
Freemasonry in Pennsylvania Vol
Sac08FP1 / auth. Sachse Julius F. - Philadelphia : GL of Pennsylvania,
1908. - Vol. 1 : 3 : p. 526. - 13.9 MB.
Freemasonry in Pennsylvania Vol
Sac09FP2 / auth. Sachse Julius F. - Philadelphia : GL of Pennsylvania,
1909. - Vol. 2 : 3 : p. 518. - 11.8 MB.
Freemasonry in Pennsylvania Vol
Sac19FP3 / auth. Sachse Julius F. - Philadelphia : GL of Pennsylvania,
1919. - Vol. 3 : 3 : p. 507. - 13.0 MB.
Kipling Poems and Stories
Kip09 / auth. Kipling Rudyard / ed. Burt Mary E. and Chapin W. T.. -
New York : Doubleday, Page & Co., 1909. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 383.
- Illustrated - 6.6 MB.
Legislative Investigation into
Hal32 / auth. Hallet B. - Boston : Office of the Boston Daily Advocate,
1832. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 87. - 14.4 MB.
Letters on Masonry and
Sto32 / auth. Stone WIlliam L. - New York : O Halsted, 1832. - Vol. 1 :
1 : p. 584. - 40.9 MB.
Life Including his
Autobiography Vol 1
Wee83LA1 / auth. Weed Thurlow. - Boston : Houghton, Mifflin and
Company, 1883. - Vol. 1 : 2 : p. 691. - 33.7 MB.
Life Including his
Autobiography Vol 2
Wee83LA2 / auth. Weed Thurlow. - Boston : Houghton, Mifflin and
Company, 1883. - Vol. 2 : 2 : p. 642. - 28.0 MB.
Life of Johnson Vol 1
Bos07 / auth. Boswell John. - Boston : W. Andrews and L. Blake, 1807. -
1st American Edition : Vol. 1 : 3 : p. 503. - 23.7 MB.
Life of Johnson Vol 2
Bos071 / auth. Boswell John. - Boston : W. Andrews and L. Blake, 1807.
- 1st American Edition : Vol. 2 : 3 : p. 516. - 24.3 MB.
Life of Johnson Vol 3
Bos072 / auth. Boswell John. - Boston : W. Andrews and L. Blake, 1807.
- 1st American Edition : Vol. 3 : 3 : p. 549. - 26.0 MB.
Light on Masonry
Ber28 / auth. Bernard Elder David. - Utica : William Williams, 1828. -
Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 593. - 21.6 MB.
Niles' Register Vol 32
Nil26R32 / auth. Niles Hezekiah. - Baltimore : H Niles & Son,
1826. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 444. - 72.1 MB.
Niles' Register Vol 33
Nil28R33 / auth. Niles Hezekiah. - Baltimore : H Neiles & Son,
1828. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 451. - 73.8 MB.
Niles' Register Vol 35
Nil29R35 / auth. Niles Hezekiah. - Baltimore : H Niles, 1829. - Vol. 1
: 1 : p. 452. - 56.3 MB.
Niles' Register Vol 37
Nil30R37 / auth. Niles Hezekiah. - Baltimore : H Niles, 1830. - Vol. 1
: 1 : p. 448. - 77.7 MB.
Niles' Register Vol 38
Nil30R38 / auth. Niles Hezekiah. - Baltimore : H Niles, 1830. - Vol. 1
: 1 : p. 675. - 78.6 MB.
Wre50 / auth. Wren Sir Christopher. - London : T. Osborn, 1750. - Vol.
1 : 1 : p. 388. - 38.3 MB.
Bro98 / auth. Browning Robert. - London : Duckworth & Co, 1898.
- Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 80. - 3.5 MB.
Political History of New York
Ham47NY1 / auth. Hammond Jabez D. - Cooperstown : H & E
Phinney, 1847. - Vol. 1 : 2 : p. 606. - 22.4 MB.
Political History of New York
Ham47NY2 / auth. Hammond Jabez D. - Cooperstown : H & E
Phinney, 1847. - Vol. 2 : 2 : p. 567. - 22.2 MB.
Political History of NY State
Ale06PH1 / auth. Alexander DeAlva S. - New York : Henry Holt and
Company, 1906. - Vol. 1 : 3 : p. 414. - 10.0 MB.
Political History of NY State
Ale06PH2 / auth. Alexander DeAlva S. - New York : Henry Holt and
Company, 1906. - Vol. 2 : 3 : p. 415. - 11.7 MB.
Political History of NY State
Ale06PH3 / auth. Alexander DeAlva S. - New York : Henry Holt and
Company, 1906. - Vol. 3 : 3 : p. 573. - 12.9 MB.
Smollett's Works Vol 04
Peregrine Pickle Pt 1
Smo11PP1 / auth. Smollett Tobias. - New York : The Jenson Society,
1911. - Vol. 1 : 4 : p. 330. - 11.3 MB.
Smollett's Works Vol 05
Peregrine Pickle Pt 2
Smo11PP2 / auth. Smollett Tobias. - New York : The Jenson Society,
1911. - Vol. 2 : 4 : p. 330. - 11.1 MB.
Smollett's Works Vol 06
Peregrine Pickle Pt 3
Smo11PP3 / auth. Smollett Tobias. - New York : The Jenson Society,
1911. - Vol. 3 : 4 : p. 328. - 10.5 MB.
Smollett's Works Vol 07
Peregrine Pickle Pt 4
Smo11PP4 / auth. Smollett Tobias. - New York : The Jenson Society,
1911. - Vol. 4 : 4 : p. 348. - 12.1 MB.
Mac141 / auth. Macbride A S. - Glasgow : D. Gilfillan & Co.,
1914. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 283. - 18.6 MB.
Ten Books on Architecture
Vit14 / auth. Vitruvius / trans. Morgan Morris H.. - Cambridge :
Harvard University Press, 1914. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 335. - 23.3 MB.
Tennessee Historical Quarterly
Goo03 / auth. Goodpasture A V. - Nashville : A V and W H Goodpasture,
1903. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 411. - 13.7 MB.
The Anti-Masonic Party
McC02 / auth. McCarthy Charles. - 1902. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 211. - 14.7
The English Romantic Movement
Phe93 / auth. Phelps William L. - Boston : Ginn & Company,
1893. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 226. - 4.7 MB.
The Idea of Progress
Bur20 / auth. Bury John B. - London : Macmillan and Co, Ltd, 1920. -
Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 395. - 17.5 MB.
The Meaning of Masonry
Wil22 / auth. Wilmshurst W L. - London : William Rider & Son,
1922. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 254. - 1.2 MB.
The Spectator Vol 1
Add00TS1 / auth. Addison Joseph. - London : Printed for Messrs Payne,
Rivington, etc, 1800. - Vol. 1 : 8 : p. 354. - 19.2 MB.
The Spectator Vol 2
Add00TS2 / auth. Addison Joseph. - London : Printed for Messrs Payne,
Rivington, etc, 1800. - Vol. 2 : 8 : p. 362. - 15.9 MB.
The Spectator Vol 3
Add00TS3 / auth. Addison Joseph. - London : Printed for Messrs Payne,
Rivington, etc, 1800. - Vol. 3 : 8 : p. 354. - 19.8 MB.
The Spectator Vol 4
Add00TS4 / auth. Addison Joseph. - London : Printed for Messrs Payne,
Rivington, etc, 1800. - Vol. 4 : 8 : p. 337. - 13.2 MB.
The Spectator Vol 6
Add00TS6 / auth. Addison Joseph. - London : Printed for Messrs Payne,
Rivington, etc, 1800. - Vol. 6 : 8.
The Spectator Vol 7
Add00TS7 / auth. Addison Joseph. - London : Printed for Messrs Payne,
Rivington, etc, 1800. - Vol. 7 : 8 : p. 361. - 20.4 MB.
The Spectator Vol 8
Add00TS8 / auth. Addison Joseph. - London : Printed for Messrs Payne,
Rivington, etc, 1800. - Vol. 8 : 8 : p. 318. - 13.3 MB.
The Time Machine
Wel222 / auth. Wells Herbert G. - New York : Henry Holt and Company,
1922. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 223. - 3.8 MB.
Fie80 / auth. Fielding Henry. - Pictou : ronigo - Project Gutenberg,
1780. - Vol. 1 : 1 : p. 628. - 6.6 MB.